1 オックスフォード大学 UK
2 ケンブリッジ大学 UK
3 スタンフォード大学 USA
4 マサチューセッツ工科大学(MIT) USA
5 カリフォルニア工科大学 USA
6 ハーバード大学 USA
7 プリンストン大学 USA
8 イェール大学 USA
9 インペリアル・カレッジ・ロンドン UK
10 シカゴ大学 USA
11 スイス連邦工科大学チューリッヒ校(ETHZ) スイス
=12 ジョンズ・ホプキンス大学 USA
=12 ペンシルベニア大学 USA
14 ユニヴァーシティ・カレッジ・ロンドン(UCL) UK
15 カリフォルニア大学バークレー校 USA
16 コロンビア大学 USA
17 カリフォルニア大学ロサンゼルス校(UCLA) USA
18 デューク大学 USA
19 コーネル大学 USA
20 ミシガン大学 USA
21 トロント大学 カナダ
22 清華大学 中国
23 シンガポール国立大学(NUS) シンガポール
24 カーネギーメロン大学 USA
25 ノースウェスタン大学 USA
26 ロンドン・スクール・オブ・エコノミクス(LSE) UK
27 ニューヨーク大学(NYU) USA
28 ワシントン大学 USA
29 エディンバラ大学 UK
30 カリフォルニア大学サンディエゴ校 USA
31 北京大学 中国
=32 ルートヴィヒ・マクシミリアン大学ミュンヘン ドイツ
=32 メルボルン大学 オーストラリア
34 ジョージア工科大学 USA
35 スイス連邦工科大学ローザンヌ校 スイス
36 香港大学 香港
37 ブリティッシュコロンビア大学 カナダ
38 キングス・カレッジ・ロンドン(KCL) UK
39 テキサス大学オースティン校 USA
40 カロリンスカ研究所 スウェーデン
41 PSL Research大学 フランス
42 東京大学 日本
タイムズ世界大学ランキング2019 - TOP10校
THE世界大学ランキングTOP100【2019】 https://hotnews8.net/society/THE-world-university-rankings2019
1 オックスフォード大学 UK
2 ケンブリッジ大学 UK
3 スタンフォード大学 USA
4 マサチューセッツ工科大学(MIT) USA
＊5 カリフォルニア工科大学 USA
6 ハーバード大学 USA
＊7 プリンストン大学 USA
8 イェール大学 USA
9 インペリアル・カレッジ・ロンドン UK
10 シカゴ大学 USA
香港はその面積が東京23区の約2倍、沖縄本島や札幌市と同程度（1,104 km2）にありながら人口700万人を超える世界有数の人口密集地域。（sauceインターネット）その香港には世界大学ランキング100位に５校も入っている。日本も同じ5校である。それと比べても、その凄さがわかるというもの。今年2019年の4月あたりに、香港の大学、多分The Hong Kong University of Science of Technologyだと思うが、（凡人は香港大学と思っていたが、こんな大学があるとは思っていなかった）夏休みに勉強しに行くという、あるUCLAの理系の女子学生とそんな話をした。その時は香港デモのことは全く念頭にはなかった。今そのアメリカ人学生が香港デモに遭遇して何を考えているかと思うと面白い。UCLAと香港のその大学は提携しているようである。UCLAと中国の繋がりはそれだけではない。UCLAの建築学科の女子院生と出会い、面白いことを話してくれた。いま上海やその他、中国の諸都市でビルの建設ラッシュが続いているが、UCLAの建築学科の教授たちがたくさん関係しているという話である。
the QS World University Rankings 2020：英国のクアクアレリ・シモンズ（ＱＳ）社は2019年６月19日、世界の大学を６つの調査項目をもとに順位づけする「世界大学ランキング2020」を公表した。アジアの大学ランキングは以下の通り。
11 National University of Singapore (Singapore
11 Nanyang Technological University, Singapore(NTU) ( Singapore
16 Tsinghua University (Mainland, China
22 The University of Tokyo (Japan
22 Peking University (Mainland, China
25 The University of Hong Kong (Hong Kong
32 The Hong Kong University of Science of Technology (Hong Kong
33 Kyoto University (Japan
37 Seoul National University (South Korea
40 Fudan University (Mainland, China
41 Korea Advanced Institute of Science & Technology (South Korea
46 The Chinese University of Hong Kong(CUHK) (Hong Kong
52 City University of Hong Kong (Hong Kong
54 Zhejiang University (Mainland, China
58 Tokyo Institute of Technology
60 Shanghai Jiao Tong University (Mainland, China
69 National Taiwan University (NTU) (Taiwan
70 Universiti Malaya(UM) (Malaysia
71 Osaka University (Japan
82 Tohoku University (Japan
83 Korea University (South Korea
87 Pohang University of Science And Technology(POSTECH) (South Korea
89 University of Science and Technology of China (Mainland, China
91 The Hong Kong Polytechnic University (Hong Kong
95 Sungkyunkwan University (SKKU) (South Korea
Takasaki City University of Economics (TCUE) Is The Public Enemy of True Democracy.
You don't have to take my words for it. This institute was and still is build on the ground of religious/imperial cult beliefs and practices. They hide and don't show you the true identity. So I have been here to reveal the truth, the whole truth and nothing but the truth of this school. All of the past history of scandals or whatnot of this institute give me this conclusion. If you have a working brain, you should search for what I have found so far by yourself.
CAVEAT EMPEROR
The Religious Cult Secretly Running Japan
Nippon Kaigi, a small cult with some of the country’s most powerful people, aims to return Japan to pre-WWII imperial ‘glory.’ Sunday’s elections may further its goal.
Jake Adelstein/Mari Yamamoto
Updated 04.13.17 3:25PM ET / Published 07.10.16 12:15AM ET
Photo Illustration by Kelly Caminero/ The Daily Beast
TOKYO — In the Land of the Rising Sun, a conservative Shinto cult dating back to the 1970s, which includes Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe and many of his cabinet among its adherents, finally has been dragged out of the shadows.
The group is called Nippon Kaigi (Japan Conference) and is ostensibly run by Tadae Takubo, a former journalist turned political scientist. It only has 38,000 members, but like many an exclusive club, or sect, it wields tremendous political influence.
Broadly speaking, Shinto is a polytheistic and animist religion native to Japan. The state-sponsored Shintoism promulgated here before and during World War II also elevated the Emperor to the status of a God and insisted that the Japanese were a divine race—the Yamato; with all other races considered inferior.
Nippon Kaigi originally began in the early 1970s from a liberal Shinto group known as Seicho No Ie. In 1974, a splinter section of the group joined forces with Nippon o Mamoru Kai, a State-Shinto revival organization that espoused patriotism and a return to imperial worship. The group in its current state was officially formed in May of 1997, when Nippon o Mamoru Kai and a group of right-leaning intellectuals joined forces.
The current cult’s goals: gut Japan’s post-war pacifist constitution, end sexual equality, get rid of foreigners, void pesky “human rights” laws, and return Japan to its Imperial Glory.
With Japan’s parliamentary elections to be held on July 10, the cult may now have its chance to dominate policity completely. If the ruling coalition wins enough seats, the door will open to amending Japan’s modern democratic constitution, something that has remained sacred and inviolate since 1947.
Indeed, for Japan, these elections may be a constitutional Brexit—deciding whether this country moves forward as a democracy or literally takes a step back to the Meiji era that ended more than a century ago. Then, the Emperor was supreme and freedom of expression was subservient to the interests of the state.
The influence of Nippon Kaigi may be hard for an American to understand on a gut level. But try this: Imagine if “future World President” Donald Trump belonged to a right-wing evangelical group, let’s call it “USA Conference,” that advocated a return to monarchy, the expulsion of immigrants, the revoking of equal rights for women, restrictions on freedom of speech—and most of his pre-selected political appointees were from the same group.
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Sounds incredible… In any case, this would worry people.
That is the American equivalent of what has already taken place in Japan with Prime Minister Shinzo Abe and his cabinet.
Abe, a third-generation politician, is the grandson of Nobusuke Kishi, who was Japan's minister of munitions during WWII and arrested as a war criminal in 1945 before becoming prime minister in the 1950s.
Abe is a staunch nationalist and historical revisionist, who also served as prime minister, from 2006 until 2007, before resigning abruptly mid-term. His ties to the Nippon Kaigi organization go back to the ’90s.
In line with fellow members of his imperial and imperialist cult, Abe has said the revision of the constitution is his lifetime goal. In an interview in Nikkei Asian Review, published in February 2014, Abe stated, “My party, the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP), has been advocating amending our constitution since its founding almost 60 years ago.”
So, now, Abe and his party, at least the extremist factions, are at last coming very close to that goal.
Japan’s Parliament, also known as the Diet, is composed of an upper and lower house. Article 96 of the constitution stipulates that amendments can be made to the constitution if approved by super majority of two-thirds of both houses of the Diet, and by simple majority in a referendum.
At present, the LDP and its coalition partners only have a two-thirds majority in the Lower House and a simple majority in the Upper House. They hope to have the needed two-thirds majority in the Upper House after Sunday’s elections.
The Asahi Shimbun and the independent press in Japan have called this year’s campaign “The Hidden Agenda Elections.” Local media have reported that the LDP and partner political parties have made sure their candidates avoid mentioning constitutional revision in their stump speeches.
The ruling coalition is toeing the party line that: “It’s all about Abenomics.”
Abenomics is the economic policy Prime Minister Abe promised to put into action in 2012. It is based upon "three arrows" of fiscal stimulus, monetary easing and structural reforms. It was supposed to revitalize Japan’s long stagnant economy. The third “arrow” has yet to be fired and on June 20, this year, the International Money Fund essentially declared it a failure and suggested Japan raise wages.
The ruling party wants to focus all talk on the economy and the hope that Abenomics eventually will work, while the opposition parties, united by The Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ), are cooperating to field single candidates in areas of Japan where they have a good chance of winning—all under the banner of blocking constitutional revision.
DPJ leader Katsuya Okada has warned, “Under the Abe administration basic human rights such as freedom of speech and the public’s right to free access to information (about their government) have been threatened… the pacifism of the constitution will be destroyed.”
The LDP’s internal crackdown on mention of constitutional revision is savvy, notes Koichi Nakano, a professor and expert on Japanese politics at Sophia University. “Abenomics was simply a way of repackaging Abe’s nationalism as something sexy so he could return to power,” says Nakano. He notes public opinion is opposed by a large margin to the revision of the constitution.
“Abe is using the same tactics he did in two previous elections since 2012 to emphasize that the vote is about the economy and then proceed to do what he intended to do once the election is over. He did this with the passing of the State Secrets Laws and then with the strongly opposed Security Laws last year after the December 2014 snap elections. Perhaps he is getting advice from his deputy prime minister, who once remarked that the LDP should learn from the Nazis about how to quietly change the constitution.”
The LDP’s proposed constitution, which has been strongly influenced by Nippon Kaigi alumni, according to reports by the Asahi Shimbun and other media, would scrap Article 9, which forbids Japan from engaging in warfare as a means of settling international disputes. It would also severely curtail freedom of speech, taking away the right to speak out on issues “if it is against the public interest.”
Presumably, the government would decide what is “the public interest.”
It eliminates the words “basic human rights” from key sections, as constitutional experts have noted.
The LDP argues that revision is necessary for a modern Japan to deal with the threat of China and break free “of the post-war regime.”
The ideology behind Prime Minister Abe and his cabinet had received only modest scrutiny from Japan’s mainstream media until this May. All that changed with the publication of the surprise best seller, Nippon Kaigi No Kenkyu (Research into Japan Conference) by former white-collar worker turned journalist, Tamotsu Sugano, on April 30.
Japan’s leading constitutional expert, Setsu Kobayashi, who is also a former member of Nippon Kaigi, says of the group, “They have trouble accepting the reality that Japan lost the war” and that they wish to restore the Meiji era constitution.
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Some members are descendants of the people who started the war, he notes.
Kobayashi is so vexed with his former brethren, that in May he created a new political party to promote and protect constitutional rights called, somewhat amusingly, Kokumin Ikari-no Koe aka The Angry Voice of the People. For Nippon Kaigi, he is a traitor and a nightmare. For Prime Minister Abe, he is an angry loud-mouthed headache.
And Abe is having other headaches before the election. Seicho No Ie, the spiritual forebear of Nippon Kaigi, has turned its back on the LDP and the ruling coalition as well—its first overt political action in decades.
The organization told the Weekly Post last month, “The Abe government thinks lightly of the constitution and we are opposed to their attempts to change Article 9 (the peace clause). In addition, we feel distrust in their failure to uphold policy determined by law.”
Despite Nippon Kaigi’s small numbers overall, half of the Abe Cabinet belongs to the Nippon Kaigi National Lawmakers Friendship Association, the group’s political offshoot. Prime Minister Abe himself is the special advisor.
Former Defense Minister Yuriko Koike, who is running for Governor of Tokyo, is another prominent member.
Sankei Shimbun and others have reported that Nippon Kaigi even tried to pressure the publisher, Fusosha, into dropping the book on April 28. The protest letter sent to the publisher was surprisingly under the name of the group’s secretary general, Yuzo Kabushima, not the name of the Chairman Tadae Takubo.
Kabushima is a staunch Emperor worshipper and was a key member of Seicho No Ie’s student movement. Sugano argues in his book that Kabushima is the person really running the organization.
Despite the threatening tone of the letter, the publisher didn’t budge. Originally, only 8,000 copies of the book were printed. It’s now on it’s fourth printing with over 126,000 copies sold. Five other books have now been printed on the group; magazines are running front-page stories about them.
Suddenly, Nippon Kaigi is very visible.
Sugano is surprised and relieved to see Nippon Kaigi and its influence on national policy finally getting attention. He himself is a political conservative who graduated from the University of Texas with a degree in political science before returning to Japan over a decade ago.
While he was living in Texas, where he picked up a bit of an accent, he noticed how the Christian evangelical movement exerted political influence and sees some parallels in their methods and those of Nippon Kaigi.
Sugano was still a white collar worker aka “salary-man” when he first became aware of the existence of Nippon Kaigi. Back in 2008, Sugano recalls the shift he felt in the atmosphere on the streets. “Crazy people were starting to speak out,” he says. Protests lead by groups, such as the anti-foreigner hate speech group Zaitokukai were more noticeable. He saw an ugly escalation of their activities with each passing day.
He found these hate speech movements troubling and started to infiltrate their protests, documenting the events in photos and recordings. In order to understand the motives of members and supporters, he started to dig into the conservative publications often referenced in their online comments.
The contributors that wrote for these publications puzzled him. Many were established in their field, journalists and academics, all contributing on topics unrelated to their expertise. This peculiar pattern helped him connect the dots: they all seemed to be members of one group. That realization led him down the rabbit hole, where he found the revisionist wonderland that is Nippon Kaigi.
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Nippon Kaigi, he found, used neto-uyo (cyber right wingers who troll anyone on the internet they feel writes negatively of Japan), intellectuals, politicians, and closet sympathizers in mainstream media to exert considerable influence on policy and public opinion.
That included getting the Japanese government to reinstitute the Imperial Calendar, which was banished by the U.S. occupation government. It’s 2016 in the West, but under the Imperial Calendar, based on the reign of the Emperor, it is year 28 of the Heisei era. The system is so confusing that many reporters in Japan carry a handy chart to translate the Imperial Calendar dates into Western time.
Sugano also credits Nippon Kaigi with politically resurrecting Prime Minister Abe, whose political career was considered dead after his abrupt resignation as prime minister in 2007.
He also believes their goal may be to alter radically the parts of the constitution which define marriage and the rights of wives, thus, “rolling back sexual equality and making Japan a country pleasant for cranky old men, like themselves.”
The Daily Beast contacted Nippon Kaigi via email, fax, and by telephone and asked for clarification of what has been written about the group and their objections to Sugano’s book but did not receive a reply
While several recently published books and articles paint a picture of a masterful Machiavellian organization that has skirted the law to avoid having to register as a political group, Sugano believes they are primarily reactionary with no clear idea what they want to do once their goals are achieved.
“They have worked steadily and stealthily with local politicians and political lobbies to oppose things like gender equality, recognition of war crimes and the comfort women [sex slaves during WWII], women using their maiden names after marriage etc. It’s anti-this and anti-that but has no vision of the future.”
Other researchers have taken notice of the group’s anti-gender equality stance, but point out that Prime Minister Abe appears to be sincere about promoting women in the workplace and that the group also has female lawmakers in its ranks.
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Sugano isn’t surprised. “Prime Minister Abe talks a lot about womenomics (the empowerment of women in the business world) but it’s all talk. It’s like a Texas racist saying, ‘I have a black friend so I’m not racist.’ The fact that there are female politicians supported by the group is the same logic. There are always some minorities in a minority that consider discrimination to be acceptable. Or these women find the support of the group advantageous to themselves—if not for women in general.”
Professor Jeff Kingston, a historian of modern Japan, has pointed out that while Abe says all the right things, he has quietly reduced his original professed goal of promoting women in management from 30 percent to 15 percent, and in reality his meager actions are “a nod to patriarchal realities that exposes Abe’s version of womenomics as a sham”.
Sugano insists the “patriarchal realities” of Japan are one reason behind Japan’s media self-censorship under the Abe administration and why they long avoided touching upon Nippon Kaigi.
He argues the mainstream Japanese media are run by misogynistic old men whose world views align with Nippon Kaigi’s sexist ideals, and since they agree with their principles, they have seen no need to report on the organization.
“It is not self censorship. It’s more like silent collusion,” he said.
Nippon Kaigi’s dismissive attitude towards women and children also explains its evident opposition to The United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child (UNCRC).
Hideaki Kase, a prominent member of Nippon Kaigi and prolific revisionist writer, is also listed as Chairman of Japan’s Corporal Punishment Association—which advocates judicious beating of children as a means of educating them and making them strong.
If you ask Sugano why these elections are important, he will tell you why in his Kansai-accented Texas drawl:
“The LDP, Abe, and Nippon Kaigi have essentially the same agenda. The frightening thing about this election is that they have never been closer to achieving their dreams—amending the constitution to return Japan to a militaristic feudal society where women, children, youngsters and foreigners, including the Japanese-Koreans, have no basic human rights. They will only have one right: the right to shut up.”
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Takasaki Keizai Daigaku (TCUE) Student's Movement for Democracy in 1960's and early 1970's (crashed by the ultra-right wing city Mayer & officials And the university management) is now available to be able to see in DVD form.
Assatsu no mori : Takasaki Keizai Daigaku tōsō no kiroku = The oppressed students
圧殺の森 : 高崎経済大学闘争の記錄 = The oppressed students
Responsibility: kantoku Ogawa Shinsuke ; seisaku, Kiroku Eiga "Assatsu no mori" Seisaku Jikkō Iinkai, Jishu Jōei Soshiki no Kai. 圧殺の森 : 高崎経済大学闘争の記錄 = The oppressed students / 監督小川紳介 ; 製作記錄映画「圧殺の森」製作実行委員会, 自主上映組織の会.
Language: Japanese. In Japanese.
Sound: digital; optical; mono; Dolby Digital 2.0.
Video: NTSC.
Digital: video file; DVD video; region 2.
Publication: [Tōkyō] : Kabushiki Kaisha Dimenshon, 2016. [東京] : 株式会社ディメンション, 2016.
Physical description: 1 videodisc (103 min.) : sound, black and white ; 4 3/4 in.
At the library
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Items in Ask at Media Microtext deskCall number Status
ZDVD 40956 Available
More options: Find it at other libraries via WorldCat
Description:
Creators/Contributors: Ogawa, Shinsuke, 1936-1992, film director. Kiroku Eiga Assatsu no mori" Seisaku Jikkō Iinkai, production company. Jishu Jōei Soshiki no Kai, production company.
Contents/Summary
Summary: Documentary film of student movements which took place at the Takasaki Keizai Daigaku in 1967 after ongoing fraudulent admissions to the university were revealed causing much anger and resentment among the students.
Subject: Takasaki Keizai Daigaku > Students > Political activity. 高崎経済大学 > Students > Political activity. Student movements > Japan > Takasaki-shi. Violence > Political aspects > Japan.
Genre: Documentary films. Nonfiction films
Feature films: Feature films > Japan.
Foreign language films > Japanese. Local subject
Japanese DVD and Blu-ray Collection.
Bibliographic information:
Publication date: 2016
Copyright date: 1967
Title Variation: Oppressed students
English title also known as: Forest of oppression : a record of the struggle at Takasaki City University of Economics
At head of title on container: Dokyumentarī eiga no daiuchū : Ogawa Purodakushon
At head of title on container: ドキュメンタリー映画の大宇宙 : 小川プロダクション
Medium: 4 3/4 in.; stamping
Publisher Number: DIGS-1014 Dimention
Correction/訂正: That DVD mentioned above is the documentary film of TCUE student movements taking place in 1967 and nothing more and else. Follow the summary which is right: "Documentary film of student movements which took place at the Takasaki Keizai Daigaku in 1967 after ongoing fraudulent admissions to the university were revealed causing much anger and resentment among the students."
2チャンネルでは成蹊大と学生の偏差値/頭程度がよく比較・同類される高崎経済大学。成蹊大の方がより知名度、有名人輩出度や就職先でもすこぶるよく、まったくかなわないのにも関わらず。一方高崎経済大学は就職がよいことで応援団に入った女性団員に象徴される政治的無知さで彩られる。学生・院生は大学生として普通に考える能力が問われているのが高崎経済大学であろう。殊更学問の府として高崎経済大学の将来性・運命はすこぶる最悪である。
*****
AJAA 安倍晋三に反対する成蹊大学後輩による抗議声明 on strikingly http://ajaa.mystrikingly.com/
それに似た人物は日本の政界にはうようよ（No Pan Intended）していそうだが、その中の一人に中曽根康弘氏の名前が浮かぶ。前にも書いたように、「日本・大韓民国・アメリカ合衆国・国際連合などで1980年代ころから議論となっている」旧天皇軍の慰安婦の国際政治問題。日本側ではそれを全面否定し、朝日新聞の作り事と世論を誘導している。そんななかにあって、真実はいかに。それにこたえられる筈の中曽根康弘氏は口を閉ざしたままで昨年の暮れに他界してしまった。まったく無視を決め込んでいた中曽根康弘氏とはどんな人間なのか、想像するがよい。また地震大国の日本に原子力発電の建設を推し進めた人物として名高い。改憲と原子力発電の推進するための歌詞を作った中曽根氏。その歌詞をつい前に投稿したので参照してほしい。世界の科学者が原子力発電の危険性の報告書や警告を出して誰もが手に入る段階でも、それを無視して建設に邁進した人物。2011年3月に起きた東日本大震災。今の福島県の惨状をみてどう思うか。数世代に及ぼす深刻な放射性による地域汚染で家を追われた住民たち。原子力発電の怖さを目の当たりに思い知らされた日本。それをみれば、彼の先見性または頭脳には大きな穴があることに気付かざるを得ない。
山本五十六が見た当時のアメリカ
As segregation tightened and racial oppression escalated across the United States, some leaders of the African American community, often called the talented tenth, began to reject Booker T. Washington’s conciliatory approach. W. E. B. Du Bois and other black leaders channeled their activism by founding the Niagara Movement in 1905. Later, they joined white reformers in 1909 to form the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP). Early in its fight for equality, the NAACP used the federal courts to challenge disenfranchisement and residential segregation. Job opportunities were the primary focus of the National Urban League, which was established in 1910.
During the Great Migration (1910–1920), African Americans by the thousands poured into industrial cities to find work and later to fill labor shortages created by World War I. Though they continued to face exclusion and discrimination in employment, as well as some segregation in schools and public accommodations, Northern black men faced fewer barriers to voting. As their numbers increased, their vote emerged as a crucial factor in elections. The war and migration bolstered a heightened self-confidence in African Americans that manifested in the New Negro Movement of the 1920s. Evoking the “New Negro,” the NAACP lobbied aggressively for a federal anti-lynching law.
In 1933, President Franklin D. Roosevelt’s New Deal provided more federal support to African Americans than at any time since Reconstruction. Even so, New Deal legislation and policies continued to allow considerable discrimination. During the mid-thirties the NAACP launched a legal campaign against de jure (according to law) segregation, focusing on inequalities in public education. By 1936, the majority of black voters had abandoned their historic allegiance to the Republican Party and joined with labor unions, farmers, progressives, and ethnic minorities in assuring President Roosevelt’s landslide re-election. The election played a significant role in shifting the balance of power in the Democratic Party from its Southern bloc of white conservatives towards this new coalition.
資料 https://www.loc.gov/exhibits/civil-rights-act/segregation-era.html
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アメリカ国内の人種関係の出来事。1914ー1939
1914–1918
World War I
1914 NAACP published an open letter to President Woodrow Wilson protesting segregation in federal agencies
1915 Carter G. Woodson founded the Association for the Study of Negro Life and History
1916 Representative Jeannette Rankin (R-MT) became the first woman elected to Congress
1917 Marcus Garvey established the American branch of the Universal Negro Improvement Association (UNIA) in Harlem
1917 Harlem Renaissance began
1917 NAACP led a “Silent March” of 10,000 black New Yorkers down Fifth Avenue to protest the East St. Louis race riot
1919 NAACP published Thirty Years of Lynching, 1889–1918, as part of an antilynching campaign
1919 Summer and early fall race riots erupted in twenty-five cities across the U.S.; later called “Red Summer”
1922 U.S. House of Representatives passed the NAACP-supported Dyer antilynching bill; defeated by Southern Democrats in the Senate
1925 A. Philip Randolph organized the Brotherhood of Sleeping Car Porters Union
1926 Carter G. Woodson inaugurated “Negro History Week,” later extended to Black History Month
1928 Octaviano Larrazolo (R-NM) became the first Latino U.S. Senator
1929 Oscar DePriest (R-IL) elected as the first black congressman since Reconstruction
1929 NAACP-supported “Don’t Buy Where You Can’t Work” economic boycott movement began with the goal of securing better jobs for African Americans
1931 A filibuster by Southern Democrats defeated the NAACP-supported Costigan-Wagner antilynching bill in the Senate
1931 Nine black men were wrongfully charged and convicted of the rape of two white women in Scottsboro, Alabama; the accused chose the Communist Party-supported International Labor Defense (ILD) rather than the NAACP to represent them
1932 Hattie Wyatt Caraway (D-AR) became the first woman elected to the U.S. Senate
1933 Joint Committee on National Recovery formed to represent African Americans during the first 100 days of President Franklin Roosevelt’s administration
1934 Southern Tenant Farmers’ Union, an interracial organization, formed to advocate for the fair treatment of sharecroppers and tenant farmers under the Agricultural Adjustment Administration (AAA)
1935 National Council of Negro Women founded
1935 National Negro Congress (NNC), led by A. Philip Randolph, called for the unionization of black workers, desegregation, and the protection of migrant workers
1935 Congress of Industrial Organizations (CIO) formed, espousing racial egalitarian rhetoric but allowing discriminatory practices
1936 Jesse Owens defied Nazi racist propaganda by winning four gold medals at the Olympic games in Berlin
1937 The Brotherhood of Sleeping Car Porters signed a collective bargaining agreement with the Pullman Company, the first such agreement between a black union and a major American company
1938 African American choreographer and dancer Katherine Dunham formed her own dance company
1939 African American contralto Marian Anderson sang in concert at the Lincoln Memorial before an integrated audience of 75,000
1939 NAACP Legal Defense and Educational Fund formed
資料 https://www.loc.gov/exhibits/civil-rights-act/segregation-timeline.html
2/3
《タイトル》
「Current Trends in the Global Economy, From the Perspective of Japanese and Polish Economists」
edited by Bogusława Drelich-Skulska, Mami Hiraike Okawara
（出版元：Publishing House of Wroclaw University of Economics and Business 2021）
《本学教員の執筆テーマ》
・Recent trends of mega-regional integration and global value chain upgrading in the Asia-Pacific region（経済学部 教授 藤井 孝宗）
・Disciplines of industrial subsides: issues and directions for improvements in the changing world（経済学部 教授 梅島 修）
・Production network of the automobile industry in the Greater Mekong Sub-Region: a comparison to Europe（経済学部 教授 野崎 謙二）
・Comparing the roles of residents in the resort town of Karuizawa in Japan and residents on Martha’s Vineyard in the US（高崎経済大学 名誉教授 大河原 眞美）
Contents
Introduction .......................................................................................................... 7
Part 1. Macroeconomic Trends in the Global Economy............................ 15
1. Recent trends of mega-regional integration and global value
chain upgrading in the Asia-Pacific region (Takamune Fuji).... 17
2. Disciplines of industrial subsidies: issues and directions for
improvements in the changing world (Osamu Umejima).......... 29
3. From cybersecurity to economic security – the EU and the
Polish perspective (Bogusława Drelich-Skulska, Paweł Brusiło) .. 73
References .............................................................................................. 105
Part 2. Challenges of Economic Cooperation – the Mesoeconomic
Perspective.................................................................................................... 115
4. Network markets: cooperation and competition shaped by
the network effect (Szymon Mazurek)........................................... 117
5. Production network of the automobile industry in the Greater
Mekong Sub-Region: a comparison to Europe (Kenji Nozaki).... 133
6. Industrial cooperation as a form of transfer of arms and
military equipment (Przemysław Skulski) .................................... 148
References .............................................................................................. 163
Part 3. Cultural Aspects of the Global Economic Phenomena ................ 167
7. Comparing the roles of residents in the resort town of
Karuizawa in Japan and residents on Martha’s Vineyard in
the US (Mami Hiraike Okawara)..................................................... 169
8. Communication issues related to the cultural diversity of
clusters (Anna H. Jankowiak).......................................................... 182
References .............................................................................................. 194
List of figures ........................................................................................................ 196
List of tables .......................................................................................................... 197
Introduction
Globalization is a multidimensional phenomenon concurrent with humankind’s
development over the last few decades, or even centuries, as some authors believe.
Nowadays, no area of our lives escapes the influence of globalization. The
introduction of the term ‘globalization’ in the economic domain is attributed to
T. Levitt, who conducted deliberations about the impact of new technologies on the
foundation of global markets of standardized goods, and the role of transnational
corporations in these processes. Levitt’s insights were presented in the article entitled
The Globalization of Markets1 published in 1983. Since then ‘globalization’ has become
one of the most frequently used terms in scientific literature and journalism.
This monograph – developed by Japanese and Polish researchers – primarily
focuses on the economic and cultural aspects of globalization, as these factors,
together with technological changes, constitute the basis for this process. It is worth
underlining that modern technologies were the inducement for creating new
foundations and additional incentives to explore the previously known motives for
the development of economic activity. Such technologies involve the production
technologies, the supply of services, and the various aspects, for instance those
related to transportation, communication, and data processing.
At the same time, it turned out that the permanent pursuit of profit maximization
carried out by numerous economic actors, including enterprises and individuals,
causes multiple distortions associated with globalization. This observation indicates
the necessity of some coordination of action rules on an international scale, lacking
in the current stage of the development of globalization.
However, in this author’s view, the development of globalization, despite the
disadvantages and distortions that it causes, is inevitable unless the world is
unexpectedly devastated by some contingency. Technological progress, together
with knowledge, gives us the following tools to overcome future obstacles and
accomplish new findings, even though the world economy may be temporarily
experiencing periods of the curtailment global integration curtailment, ‘black swans’
such as COVID-19.
This monograph aims to study and present selected challenges that arise from
globalization and discuss the above-mentioned issues from the macroeconomic or
mesoeconomic perspective and also considers the cultural aspects of the global
economic phenomena.
1 T. Levitt (1983), The globalization of markets, “Harvard Business Review” (May-June), pp. 92-102.
8 Introduction
The deliberations included in the monograph represent a broad spectrum of topics
that constitute a review of the current trends and phenomena in the global economy.
The perspective of the Polish and Japanese economists translates into the high
diversity of discussed subjects and reflects the multidimensional challenges that
occur in the today’s globalized world.
The first part includes three chapters that give a brief overview of macroeconomic
trends in the modern globalized economy. Like in Asia Pacific, some regions have
already become one of the world’s leading regions of economic growth and regional
economic integration. In this context, the author of the first chapter begins by
presenting a review of the modern trends of negotiations over free trade agreements
and regional trade agreements in the Asia-Pacific region, followed by a research and
literature review about the expansion of the Asia-Pacific global value chains. This
study explains the existence of the two substantial agreements that include
a structure established by the ASEAN and individual associated countries and the
Trans-Pacific Partnership (currently transformed into the Comprehensive and
Progressive Agreement for Trans-Pacific Partnership). Moreover, the study of global
value chain networks in this particular region shows that their development is
intertwined with the growing number of participating countries and continually
involves numerous small developing countries. However, it also finds little evidence
that participation in global value chains by the Asia-Pacific countries translates into
their economic growth.
The next chapter investigates the various aspects of disciplines on industrial
subsidies. In this study, the author examines the effectiveness and insufficiencies of
disciplines of the industrial subsidies in the present provisions of the WTO
Agreement on Subsidies and Countervailing Measures (the SCM Agreement). The
analysis is extended with suggestions aimed to strengthen the above-mentioned
disciplines, including potential solutions and forums to resume the disciplines’
effectiveness, based on what we have experienced in the last quarter of the century.
The last chapter in this part presents an overview of the other crucial global trend
that involves the changes and challenges in the area of cybersecurity. Firstly, the
authors described the evolution of the cybersecurity concept in the context of
economic security. The conducted analysis reveals that cyberspace security has
already become a substantial determinant of economic security, since the information
and communication technologies irreversibly change fundamental areas of human,
entrepreneurial and institutional activities. Furthermore, the role of cybersecurity
that constitutes economic security nowadays was investigated both on international
and national levels. The authors conducted two case studies of the EU and Polish
cybersecurity systems and strategic approaches, which then allowed to offer their
insights towards the diverse cybersecurity issues, and provide recommendations in
the field of cooperation between various stakeholders.
Introduction 9
As distinct from the previous part, the second part of the monograph discusses the
various aspects of the challenges of economic cooperation from the mesoeconomic
perspective, which involve analysing the changes at sectoral or industrial level that
differed from either micro or macroeconomic view.
The first chapter begins by examining the rising significance of relationships and
interactions between market participants, which lay the foundation of the network
market concept based on network structures and network effects. Moreover, the
author indicates the determinants of a company’s success in network markets,
including the dynamics of the growth of a network created or used by the enterprise.
In addition to these deliberations, the chapter outlines the other vital aspects of
network market phenomena such as the factors shaping a market player’s network
position, the changes in market participants’ behaviour under the influence of the
network effect, and the characteristics of the concept of the network good.
The discussion about the network markets and the forces and mechanisms that
determine them is followed by another challenge of economic cooperation at
mesoeconomic level. First, the chapter discusses the growing importance and
strength of an economic linkage between industrializing Vietnam, Cambodia, Lao
PDR, Myanmar, and the Greater Mekong Sub-region, potentially leading to the
formulation of the regional production network. The study investigated the structure
of the automobile industry’s production network in the Greater Mekong Sub-region
by implementing methods such as the Grubel and Lloyd index and the unit value
ratio of exports and imports to decide the types of division of labour in the process
of production. Additionally, this research was expanded with a comparative analysis
of the European and North American cases, which allowed the author to conclude
that the production fragmentation network in the Greater Mekong Sub-region is still
in the early development stage.
The last challenge, which is addressed in this part, involves discussing industrial
cooperation in the form of the transfer of arms and military equipment. The author
of this chapter underlines the significant role of industrial cooperation in international
business and its various forms such as strategic alliance, joint venture, licensing,
subcontracting, and teaming agreements. In this chapter, the author also examined
the forms of industrial cooperation in the defence industry from the perspective of
the international transfer of arms and military equipment, which allowed to
underline two groups of determinants that influence industrial cooperation in the
arms sector and its spectrum. Moreover, the author outlined the way of acting on the
part of government institutions and the arms sector’s functioning as the determinants
that set favourable conditions for industrial cooperation.
The selected issues regarding the cultural aspects of the global economic phenomena
aspects are discussed in the last part of the monograph. The first chapter begins with
a case study of Karuizawa, a summer resort in Japan, and the locally adopted
10 Introduction
residential strategies aiming to act in response to vital environmental protection issues.
This study gives an overview of the strategic approach that involves different
instruments implemented by Karuizawa decision-makers, including diverse tax rates,
management fees and prices addressed respectively to local residents and vacation
homeowners. It is worth emphasizing that this approach is based on the cooperation
of residents and non-residents. Furthermore, the author compares the Japanese resort
with Martha’s Vineyard, a US island, which represents the opposite approach, where
the local residents play a crucial role in the island’s environmental issues.
The final chapter of the monograph examines communication issues related to the
cultural diversity of clusters, starting with a presentation of crucial assumptions that
clusters are nowadays a specific combination of enterprises, science, and local
authorities, which is considered a determinant of innovation and competitiveness
growth involving associated companies and the hosting regions. Moreover, the
clusters stimulate the information flow and the exchange of experience and
knowledge between the participants. However, efficient communication may be
potentially disrupted since the involved companies originate from culturally diverse
regions and countries. This chapter aims to present these communication issues
related to the existence of cultural differences in clusters by giving the example of
the Toyota cluster – a Japanese cluster located in Poland.
The composition of the chapters reflects the complexity of tendencies that take place
in a globalized world economy. The presented deliberations, studies, conclusions,
and recommendations are the results of scientific research conducted by Polish and
Japanese economists. Moreover, this monograph could not be developed without the
international cooperation between researchers from the Asia-Pacific Research Centre
at the Wroclaw University of Economics and Business and the Takasaki City
University of Economics.
Being a mosaic of diverse research subjects, this book is dedicated to readers who
look for multidimensional insights into the modern trends and phenomena occurring
in the global economy. Considering the broad spectrum of the discussed issues, this
monograph is recommended to students of economics who want to acquire
knowledge about the selected tendencies, to researchers who would like to broaden
their knowledge in the area of current trends in the globalized world economy, as
well as entrepreneurs and business practitioners seeking information about the
cultural aspects of the global economic phenomena.
The authors of the introduction firmly believes that this monograph will provide
readers with valuable information about the events and trends observed in this
century and contribute to deepening the debate about the influence of selected
aspects of globalization on the modern world economy.
Bogusława Drelich-Skulska
Mami Hiraike Okawara
