Seicho No Ie is the largest New Thought denomination in the world.
生長の家は世界最大のニューソートの団体である
Seicho No Ie Beliefs
~ All religions emanate from one Universal God.
What We Believe ~ FAQ ~ Texts
Core Beliefs of Seicho No Ie are:
1. The universe is manifestation of a perfectly harmonious Divine force.
2. Humans and everything else are perfect creations of this Divine force.
3. Apparent imperfections are merely subjective interpretations of the material world.
4. Our material environment, destiny, and bodies are all the reflections of our mind and spirit.
Memorial Service conducted on April 28, 2019 at Center for Spiritual Awareness, Lakemont, Georgia for Roy Eugene Davis, the last disciple personally ordained by Paramahansa Yogananda to serve as a guru-teacher in the Kriya Yoga tradition.
The best way to ensure peace is through strong self-defence. This week, we officially inaugurated #Taiwan’s submarine manufacturing factory, taking a big step forward towards stronger self-defence capabilities.
＿＿＿＿
AFN 360 improves AFN quality where you get mobile data or internet. Using the best in audio encoding technology, we're able to deliver near-CD quality programming while using minimal bandwidth. Once you've heard it, you'll agree AFN radio never sounded better over any other medium! https://www.afnpacific.net/AFN-360/
仏教の入門書を日本語で読むと、やたらと「輪廻」とか「涅槃」とか「諸行無常」とか独特の術語を有難そうに解説してあるのを、胡散臭く思っていた。そこで英語で仏教入門書を読もうと決意。はじめ Penguin Books の Buddhismって本を読もうと思ったが、本書の方が小さくて出版が新しいのでこっちにした。通勤電車の中だけで、約一ヶ月で読了。全く基礎知識の無い英米人向けに書かれているのが良い。ただ術語にパーリ語の原語がいちいち添えてあるのが、やや鬱陶しい。上座部と大乗を平等に扱っている点も好感が持てた。特に最終章 Buddhism in the West では日本の入門書ではあまり扱われていない西洋での仏教の受容について最近の状況まで述べられていて貴重。このシリーズはパラグラフの切り方が独特（インデント無しで一行空ける）で慣れないとやや戸惑う。句読法のミスプリも若干あった。
Achieving equality with the West was one of the primary goals of the Meiji leaders. Treaty reform, designed to end the foreigners’ judicial and economic privileges provided by extraterritoriality and fixed customs duties was sought as early as 1871 when the Iwakura mission went to the United States and Europe. The Western powers insisted, however, that they could not revise the treaties until Japanese legal institutions were reformed along European and American lines. Efforts to reach a compromise settlement in the 1880s were rejected by the press and opposition groups in Japan. It was not until 1894, therefore, that treaty provisions for extraterritoriality were formally changed.
During the first half of the Meiji period, Asian relations were seen as less important than domestic development. In 1874 a punitive expedition was launched against Formosa (Taiwan) to chastise the aborigines for murdering Ryukyuan fishermen. This lent support to Japanese claims to the Ryukyu Islands, which had been under Satsuma influence in Tokugawa times. Despite Chinese protests, the Ryukyus were incorporated into Japan in 1879. Meanwhile, calls for an aggressive foreign policy in Korea, aired by Japanese nationalists and some liberals, were steadily rejected by the Meiji leaders. At the same time, China became increasingly concerned about expanding Japanese influence in Korea, which China still viewed as a tributary state. Incidents on the peninsula in 1882 and 1884 that might have involved China and Japan in war were settled by compromise, and in 1885 China and Japan agreed that neither would send troops to Korea without first informing the other.
By the early 1890s Chinese influence in Korea had increased. In 1894 Korea requested Chinese assistance in putting down a local rebellion. When the Chinese notified Tokyo of this, Japan quickly rushed troops to Korea. With the rebellion crushed, neither side withdrew. The Sino-Japanese War formally erupted in July 1894. Japanese forces proved to be superior on both land and sea, and, with the loss of its northern fleet, China sued for peace. The peace treaty negotiated at Shimonoseki was formally signed on April 17, 1895; both sides recognized the independence of Korea, and China ceded to Japan Formosa, the Pescadores Islands, and the Liaotung Peninsula, granted Japan all rights enjoyed by European powers, and made significant economic concessions, including the opening of new treaty ports and a large indemnity in gold. A commercial treaty giving Japan special tax exemptions and other trade and manufacturing privileges was signed in 1896. Japan thus marked its own emancipation from the unequal treaties by imposing even harsher terms on its neighbour. Meanwhile, France, Russia, and Germany were not willing to endorse Japanese gains and forced the return of the Liaotung Peninsula to China. Insult was added to injury when Russia leased the same territory with its important naval base, Port Arthur (now Lü-shun), from China in 1898. The war thus demonstrated that the Japanese could not maintain Asian military victories without Western sufferance. At the same time, it proved a tremendous source of prestige for Japan and brought the government much internal support; it also strengthened the hand of the military in national affairs.
Reluctant to accept Japanese leadership, Korea instead sought Russia’s help. During the Boxer Rebellion (1900) in China, Japanese troops played a major part in the allied expedition to rescue foreign nationals in Beijing, but Russia occupied southern Manchuria, thereby strengthening its links with Korea. Realizing the need for protection against multiple European enemies, the Japanese began talks with England that led to the Anglo-Japanese Alliance (1902). In this pact both countries agreed to aid the other in the event of an attack by two or more powers but remain neutral if the other went to war with a single enemy. Backed by Britain, Tokyo was prepared to take a firmer stand against Russian advances in Manchuria and Korea. In 1904 Japanese ships attacked the Russian fleet at Port Arthur without warning. In the Russo-Japanese War (1904–05) that followed, Japanese arms were everywhere successful; the most spectacular victory occurred in the Tsushima Strait, where the ships of Admiral Tōgō Heihachirō destroyed the Russian Baltic fleet. But the war was extremely costly in Japanese lives and treasure, and Japan was relieved when U.S. President Theodore Roosevelt offered to mediate a peace settlement. The Treaty of Portsmouth, signed on September 5, 1905, gave Japan primacy in Korea, and Russia granted to Japan its economic and political interests in southern Manchuria, including the Liaotung Peninsula. Russia also ceded to Japan the southern half of the island of Sakhalin. The victory over Russia altered the balance of power in East Asia, and it encouraged nationalist movements in India and the Middle East. But at home Japan’s failure to gain an indemnity to pay for the heavy war costs made the treaty unpopular.
After the conclusion of the war, Japanese leaders gained a free hand in Korea. Korean opposition to Japanese “reforms” was no longer tolerated. Itō Hirobumi, sent to Korea as resident general, forced through treaties that gave Korea little more than protectorate status and ordered the abdication of the Korean king. Itō’s assassination in 1909 led to Korea’s annexation by Japan the following year. Korean liberties and resistance were crushed. By 1912, when the Meiji emperor died, Japan had not only achieved equality with the West but also had become the strongest imperialist power in East Asia.
Japan had abundant opportunity to use its new power in the years that followed. During World War I it fought on the Allied side but limited its activities to seizing German possessions in China and the Pacific. When China sought the return of former German holdings in Shantung province, Japan responded with the so-called Twenty-one Demands, issued in 1915, that tried to pressure China into widespread concessions ranging from extended leases in Manchuria and joint control of China’s coal and iron resources to policy matters regarding harbours and the policing of Chinese cities. While giving in on a number of specific issues, the Chinese resisted the most extreme Japanese demands that would have turned China into a Japanese ward. Despite its economic gains, Japan’s World War I China policy left behind a legacy of ill feeling and distrust, both in China and in the West. The rapaciousness of Japanese demands and China’s chagrin at its failure to recover its losses in the Treaty of Versailles (1919) cost Japan any hope of Chinese friendship. Subsequent Japanese sponsorship of corrupt warlord regimes in Manchuria and North China helped to confirm the anti-Japanese nature of modern Chinese nationalism.
The part played by Japan in the Allied intervention in Siberia following the Bolshevik Revolution of 1918 caused further concerns about Japanese expansion. One of the principal reasons for the disarmament conference held in Washington, D.C., in 1921–22, was to reduce Japanese influence. A network of treaties was designed to place restraints on Japanese ambitions while guaranteeing Japanese security. These treaties included a Four-Power Pact, between Japan, Great Britain, the United States, and France, that replaced the Anglo-Japanese Alliance, and a Five-Power Naval Limitation Treaty (with Italy) that set limits for battleships at a ratio of five for Great Britain and the United States to three for Japan. An agreement on the fortification of Pacific island bases was intended to assure Japan of security in its home waters. Finally a Nine-Power Pact would, it was hoped, protect China from further unilateral demands. Japan subsequently agreed to retire from Shantung, and, shortly thereafter, Japanese armies withdrew from Siberia and northern Sakhalin. In 1925 a treaty with the Soviet Union extended recognition to the U.S.S.R. and ended active hostilities.
The notion that expansion through military conquest would solve Japan’s economic problems gained currency during the Great Depression of the 1930s. It was argued that the rapid growth of Japan’s population—which stood at close to 65 million in 1930—necessitated large food imports. To sustain such imports, Japan had to be able to export. Western tariffs limited exports, while discriminatory legislation in many countries and anti-Japanese racism served as barriers to emigration. Chinese and Japanese efforts to secure racial equality in the League of Nations covenant had been rejected by Western statesmen. Thus, it was argued, Japan had no recourse but to use force.
AFN 360 improves AFN quality where you get mobile data or internet. Using the best in audio encoding technology, we're able to deliver near-CD quality programming while using minimal bandwidth. Once you've heard it, you'll agree AFN radio never sounded better over any other medium! https://www.afnpacific.net/AFN-360/
To these economic and racial arguments was added the military’s distrust of party government. The Washington Conference had allowed a smaller ratio of naval strength than the navy desired, while the government of Prime Minister Hamaguchi Osachi in 1930 had accepted the London Naval Conference’s limits on heavy cruisers over military objections. In 1925 Katō Takaaki had cut the army by four divisions. Many military men objected to the restraint shown by Japan toward the Chinese Nationalists’ northern expedition of 1926 and 1927 and wanted Japan to take a harder line in China. Under Prime Minister Tanaka Giichi the Seiyūkai cabinet reversed earlier policy by intervening in Shantung in 1927 and 1928. But Tanaka was replaced by Hamaguchi in 1929, and under his cabinet the policy of moderation was restored. The army and its supporters felt that such vacillation earned Japan ill will and boycotts in China without gaining any advantages.
While many military leaders chafed under the restrictions that civilian governments placed upon them, they still retained considerable power. It would be wrong to attribute such resentment to all, or even most, of the high command, but enough army officers held such views to become a locus for dissatisfaction among other groups in Japanese society. The idea of the frugal and selfless samurai served as a useful contrast to the stock portrait of the selfish party politician.
Economic pressures and political misgivings were further exploited by civilian ultranationalists who portrayed parliamentary government as being “un-Japanese.” A number of rightist organizations existed that were dedicated to the theme of internal purity and external expansion. These sought to preserve what they thought was unique in the Japanese spirit and fought against excessive Western influence. Some originated in the Meiji period, when nationalists had felt obliged to work for a “fundamental settlement” of differences with Russia. Most, like the Black Dragon Society (Kokuryūkai), combined continental adventurism and a strong nationalist stance with opposition to party government, big business, acculturation, and Westernization. By allying with other rightists, they alternately terrorized and intimidated their presumed opponents. A number of business leaders and political figures were killed, and the assassins’ success in publicizing and dramatizing the virtues they claimed to embody had a considerable impact on the troubled 1930s. It is clear, however, that the terrorists never had as much influence as they claimed or as the West believed.
The principal force against parliamentary government was provided by junior military officers, who were largely from rural backgrounds. Distrustful of their senior leaders, ignorant of political economy, and contemptuous of the urban luxuries of politicians, such officers were ready marks for rightist theorists. Many of them had goals that were national-socialist in character. Kita Ikki, a former socialist and one-time member of the Black Dragon Society, contended that the Meiji constitution should be suspended in favour of a revolutionary regime advised by “national patriots” and headed by a military government, which should nationalize large properties, limit wealth, end party government and the peerage, and prepare to take the leadership of a revolutionary Asia. Kita helped persuade a number of young officers to take part in the violence of the 1930s with the hope of achieving these ends.
The Kwantung Army, which occupied the Kwantung (Liaotung) Peninsula and patrolled the South Manchurian Railway zone, included officers who were keenly aware of Japan’s continental interests and were prepared to take steps to further them. They hoped to place the civilian government in an untenable position and to force its hand. The Tokyo terrorists similarly sought to change foreign as well as domestic policies. The pattern of direct action in Manchuria began with the murder in 1928 of Chang Tso-lin, the warlord ruler of Manchuria. The action, though not authorized by the Tanaka government, helped bring about its fall. Neither the cabinet nor the Diet dared to investigate and punish those responsible. This convinced extremist officers that their lofty motives would make retribution impossible. The succeeding government of Prime Minister Hamaguchi sought to curtail military activists and their powers. The next plots, therefore, were aimed at replacing civilian rule, and Hamaguchi was mortally wounded by an assassin in 1930. In March 1931 a coup involving highly placed army generals was planned but abandoned.
On September 18, 1931, came the Mukden (or Manchurian) Incident, which launched Japanese aggression in East Asia. A Kwantung Army charge that Chinese soldiers had tried to bomb a South Manchurian Railway train (which arrived at its destination safely) resulted in a speedy and unauthorized capture of Mukden (now Shen-yang), followed by the occupation of all Manchuria. The civilian government in Tokyo could not stop the army, and even army headquarters was not always in full control of the field commanders. Prime Minister Wakatsuki Reijirō gave way in December 1931 to Inukai Tsuyoshi. Inukai’s plans to stop the army by imperial intervention were frustrated. On May 15, 1932, naval officers took the lead in a terrorist attack in Tokyo that cost Inukai his life but failed to secure a proclamation of martial law. The army now announced that it would accept no party cabinet. To forestall its desire for power, the last genrō, Saionji, suggested retired Admiral Saitō Makoto as prime minister. Plotting continued, culminating in a revolt of a regiment about to leave for Manchuria. On February 26, 1936, several outstanding statesmen (including Saitō) were murdered; Prime Minister Okada Keisuke escaped when the assassins mistakenly shot his brother-in-law. For more than three days the rebel units held much of downtown Tokyo. When the revolt was put down on February 29, the ringleaders were quickly arrested and executed. Within the army, the influence of the young extremists now gave way to more conservative officers and generals who were less concerned with domestic reform, while sharing many of the foreign-policy goals of the young fanatics.
The only possible source of prestige sufficient to thwart the military lay with the throne. But the senior statesmen were cautious lest they imperil the imperial institution itself. The young emperor Hirohito had been enthroned in 1926, taking as his reign name Shōwa (“Enlightened Peace”). His outlook was more progressive than that of his predecessors; he had traveled in the West, and his interests lay in marine biology. Those close to the throne feared that a strong stand by the emperor would only widen the search for victims and could lead to his dethronement. As international criticism of Japan’s aggression grew, many Japanese rallied to support the army.
Each advance by the military extremists gained them new concessions from the moderate elements in the government and brought greater foreign hostility and distrust. Rather than oppose the military, the government agreed to reconstitute Manchuria as an “independent” state, Manchukuo. The last Manchu emperor of China, P’u-i, was declared regent and later enthroned as emperor in 1934. Actual control lay with the Kwantung Army, however; all key positions were held by Japanese, with surface authority vested in cooperative Chinese and Manchu. A League of Nations committee recommended in October 1932 that Japanese troops be withdrawn, Chinese sovereignty restored, and a large measure of autonomy granted to Manchuria. The League called upon member states to withhold recognition from the new puppet state. Japan’s response was to formally withdraw from the world body in 1933. Thereafter, Japan poured technicians and capital into Manchukuo, exploiting its rich resources to establish the base for the heavy-industry complex that was to undergird its “new order” in East Asia.
In northern China, boundary areas were consolidated in order to enlarge Japan’s economic sphere. In early 1932 the Japanese navy precipitated an incident at Shanghai in order to end a boycott of Japanese goods; but Japan was not yet prepared to challenge other powers for control of central China, and a League of Nations commission arranged terms for a withdrawal. By 1934, however, Japan had made it clear that it would brook no interference in its China policy and that Chinese attempts to procure technical or military assistance elsewhere would bring Japanese opposition.
Further external ambitions had to wait, however, for the resolution of domestic crises. The military revolt in Tokyo in February 1936 marked the high point of extremist action. In its wake power shifted to the military conservatives. Moreover, the finance minister Takahashi Korekiyo, whose policies had brought Japan out of its economic depression, was killed, and his opposition to further inflationary spending was thus stilled. In politics, the confrontation between the parties and the army continued. Efforts to find a leader who could represent both military and civilian interests led to the appointment to the premiership of the popular but ineffective Konoe Fumimaro, scion of an ancient court family, in 1937. Meanwhile, in China the Nationalist leader Chiang Kai-shek had been kidnapped in the Sian Incident in December 1936, and this led to an anti-Japanese united front by Nationalists and Communists. Domestic politics revealed, moreover, that the Japanese people were not yet prepared to renounce their parliamentary system. In the spring of 1937, general elections showed startling gains for the new Social Mass (or Social Masses) Party (Shakai Taishūtō), which received 36 out of 466 seats, and a heavy majority of the remainder went to the Seiyūkai and Minseitō, which had combined forces against the government and its policies. The time seemed ready for new efforts by civilian leaders, but in the field the armies preempted them.
On July 7, 1937, Japanese troops engaged Chinese units at the Marco Polo Bridge near Beijing, leading to warfare between China and Japan. Japanese armies took Nanking, Han-k’ou (Hankow), and Canton despite vigorous Chinese resistance; Nanking was brutally pillaged by Japanese troops. To the north, Inner Mongolia and China’s northern provinces were invaded. On discovering that the Nationalist government, which had retreated up the Yangtze to Chungking, refused to compromise, the Japanese installed a more cooperative regime at Nanking in 1940.
.
Foreign relations
In November 1936 Japan signed the Anti-Comintern Pact with Germany and later with Italy. This was replaced by the Tripartite Pact in September 1940, which recognized Japan as the leader of a new order in Asia; Japan, Germany, and Italy agreed to assist each other if they were attacked by any additional power not yet at war with them. The intended target was the United States, since the Soviets and Nazis had already signed a nonaggression pact in 1939, and the Soviets were invited to join the new agreement later in 1940.
Japanese relations with the Soviet Union were considerably less cordial than those with Germany. The Soviets consented, however, to sell the Chinese Eastern Railway to the South Manchurian Railway in 1935, thereby strengthening Manchukuo. In 1937 the Soviet Union signed a nonaggression pact with China, and in 1938 and 1939 Soviet and Japanese armies tested each other in two full-scale battles along the border of Manchukuo. But in April 1941 a neutrality pact was signed with the Soviet Union, with Germany acting as intermediary.
Japanese-German ties were never close or effective. Both parties were limited in their cooperation by distance, distrust, and claims of racial superiority. The Japanese were uninformed about Nazi plans for attacking the Soviet Union, and the Germans were not told of Japan’s plans to attack Pearl Harbor in Hawaii. Nor, despite formal statements of rapport, did Japan’s state structure approach the totalitarianism of the Nazis. A national-mobilization law (1938) gave the Konoe government sweeping economic and political powers, and in 1940, under the second Konoe cabinet, the Imperial Rule Assistance Association was established to merge the political parties into one central organization; yet, the institutional structure of the Meiji constitution was never altered, and the wartime governments never achieved full control over interservice competition. The Imperial Rule Assistance Association failed to mobilize all segments of national life around a leader. The emperor remained a symbol, albeit an increasingly military one, and no führer could compete without endangering the national polity. Wartime social and economic thought retained important vestiges of an agrarianism and familism that were in essence premodern rather than totalitarian.
Japan’s relations with the democratic powers deteriorated steadily. The United States and Great Britain did what they could to assist the Chinese Nationalist cause. The Burma Road into southern China permitted the transport of minimal supplies to Nationalist forces. Constant Japanese efforts to close this route led to further tensions between Great Britain and Japan. Anti-Japanese feeling strengthened in the United States, especially after the sinking of a U.S. gunboat in the Yangtze River in 1937. In 1939 U.S. Secretary of State Cordell Hull renounced the 1911 treaty of commerce with Japan, and thus embargoes became possible in 1940. President Franklin Roosevelt’s efforts to rally public opinion against aggressors included efforts to stop Japan, but, even after war broke out in Europe in 1939, American public opinion rejected involvement abroad.
AFN 360 improves AFN quality where you get mobile data or internet. Using the best in audio encoding technology, we're able to deliver near-CD quality programming while using minimal bandwidth. Once you've heard it, you'll agree AFN radio never sounded better over any other medium! https://www.afnpacific.net/AFN-360/
AFN 360 improves AFN quality where you get mobile data or internet. Using the best in audio encoding technology, we're able to deliver near-CD quality programming while using minimal bandwidth. Once you've heard it, you'll agree AFN radio never sounded better over any other medium! https://www.afnpacific.net/AFN-360/
TOKYO (Reuters) — U.S. President Donald Trump urged Japanese business leaders on Saturday to increase their investment in the United States while he chided Japan for having a “substantial edge” on trade that negotiators were trying to even out in a bilateral deal.
Trump arrived in Japan on Saturday for a largely ceremonial state visit meant to showcase strong ties even though trade relations are problematical. In the evening, the Tokyo Sky Tree tower was lit up red, white and blue in Trump’s honor.
Shortly after arriving at the airport to a red-carpet welcome, Trump attended a reception at the residence of U.S. Ambassador to Japan William Hagerty that the White House said included Japanese business executives from Toyota, Nissan , Honda, SoftBank and Rakuten.
Trump told the company officials there had never been a better time to invest in the United States and repeated a complaint that the Federal Reserve’s policies had kept U.S. economic growth from reaching its full potential.
With trade talks ongoing, Trump also got in a dig at Japan and said he wanted a deal to address the trade imbalance between the two countries.
“Japan has had a substantial edge for many, many years, but that’s OK, maybe that’s why you like us so much,” he said.
“With this deal we hope to address the trade imbalance, removing barriers to United States exports and ensure fairness and reciprocity in our relationship,” Trump said.
Trade is one of Trump’s signature issues, and encouraging foreign investment in the United States is a hallmark of his trips abroad.
U.S. President Donald Trump became the first president to watch sumo in the sport's homeland during a four-day trip to Japan, and was able to present the trophy to the tournament champion on Sunday.
[JPN] 令和元（2019）年5月26日、来日中のトランプ大統領を歓迎しつつお台場をParrot DISCOで飛んでみた。
[ENG] May 26, 2019, US President Trump is coming to Japan. I tried to fly Parrot DISCO in Odaiba, Tokyo with the meaning of welcome.
In a democracy, leadership depends on the mandate of the people. So I cherish every opportunity to meet, talk with, and listen to the people of #Taiwan, the real heroes of our country.
I’m glad to have an opportunity to personally thank Head of @congresoperu’s Foreign Relations Committee @luchogalarreta for choosing to #SpeakUpForTaiwan when our voice was suppressed at this year’s #WHA72.
I thank @MOHW_Taiwan Minister Chen & his delegation for their hard work in Geneva & fighting for #Taiwan’s participation in #WHA. They did so with a relentless optimism, & a belief that one day @WHO & the world will understand why #TaiwanCanHelp create a healthier future for all.
As Commander-in-Chief, I’ve been striving to enhance our defence capabilities since day one. Today we commenced production of our Tuo Chiang-class missile corvettes, showing our resolve to defend #Taiwan’s freedom & democracy.
The number of face-to-face talks between Prime Minister Shinzo Abe and U.S. President Donald Trump illustrates the outstanding degree of closeness between the two leaders, according to observers.
The 11 times the two have held face-to-face talks is the greatest number among Trump’s tally of meetings with other foreign leaders — followed by eight times with Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, and seven times with South Korean President Moon Jae In and French President Emmanuel Macron each.
Trump and Abe have talked with each other more than 40 times in person and on the phone, a senior official of the U.S. administration said, emphasizing the frequency and depth of their dialogue as unprecedented.
In choosing which foreign leaders he will meet for talks, Trump seems to place importance on his compatibility with each figure, as well as whether talks with the figure will reap practical benefits.
Abe was the first foreign leader to meet Trump after his victory in the U.S. presidential election in November 2016. Abe seems to be an ideal partner for Trump, according to an official of the U.S. Republican Party, as the prime minister has maintained a stable political foundation and has shown a positive stance on Japanese investments in the United States.
In a meeting with Japanese business leaders on Saturday, Trump emphasized he was grateful that Japan has placed an order for a large number of U.S.-made fighter planes and missiles.
Netanyahu follows Abe in the frequency of meetings with the U.S. president. This can be interpreted as indicating that the Trump administration’s pro-Israel stance is the basis of its Middle East policy.
Trump has realized the transfer of the U.S. Embassy in Tel Aviv to Jerusalem, using the accomplishment to appeal to the Christian right, which has continued to support him.
Meanwhile, Trump’s compatibility with Moon, who is known for his tilt toward liberalism, is said to be less-than-satisfactory. The relatively high frequency of talks between them shows their cooperation is indispensable for dealing with the problem of North Korea.
To avoid giving the impression that he attaches importance to Japan while negleting South Korea, Trump is keeping a delicate balance between the two, according to a U.S. government source.Speech
トランプ大統領は安倍首相と共に、海上自衛隊護衛艦「かが」に乗艦し、在日米軍兵士 @USFJ_J および日本の自衛隊員 @ModJapan_jp に向けスピーチを行いました。@POTUS boarded the JMSDF Kaga with @AbeShinzo and delivered remarks to service members. #POTUSinJapan 🇺🇸🇯🇵
AFN 360 improves AFN quality where you get mobile data or internet. Using the best in audio encoding technology, we're able to deliver near-CD quality programming while using minimal bandwidth. Once you've heard it, you'll agree AFN radio never sounded better over any other medium! https://www.afnpacific.net/AFN-360/
Japan Ministry of Defense/Self-Defense Forces認証済みアカウント @ModJapan_en
PM and Mrs. Abe, and President Trump and the First Lady visited JS KAGA. PM Abe and President Trump encouraged #JSDF and #USFJ personnel. They affirmed the strong #Alliance and that #Japan and #US contribute to peace and prosperity of the #IndoPacific region. @POTUS @WhiteHouse
＿＿＿＿
What PM Abe is doing with President Trump is to build real alliance. Not the fake “charm offensive” made up like North Korea does using their women to please others. We don’t please leaders of other countries like that. We only pay respect and build a true relationship.
“Blessed be God, even the Father of our Lord Jesus Christ, the Father of mercies, and the God of all comfort; who comforteth us in all our tribulation, that we may be able to comfort them which are in any trouble, by the comfort wherewith we ourselves are comforted of God.”
—II Corinthians 1:3, 4
“Let the Bible and the Christian Science textbook preach the gospel which heals the sick and enlightens the people’s sense of Christian Science. This ministry, reaching the physical, moral, and spiritual needs of humanity, will, in the name of Almighty God, speak the truth that to-day, as in olden time, is found able to heal both sin and disease.”
—Mary Baker Eddy, The First Church of Christ, Scientist, and Miscellany, p. 147
The meeting will be held in the Extension of The Mother Church in Boston and broadcast live online Monday, June 3, at 1:00 p.m. EDT. (You can find your local time on this World Clock). You're welcome to come to Boston to view it in person (please see Weekend Guide) or to watch it online in your community. A video replay will be available within 24 hours. Annual Meeting and the weekend events will all be live streamed on the Annual Meeting webpage.
LARRY KING, HOST: Good evening. Our special guest tonight: a return visit with Virginia Harris, chairman of the Christian Science board of directors. This is a worldwide religion, and we're going to delve into many aspects of it. They also publish the famed "Christian Science Monitor," generally acknowledged by those not even close to the religion, as one of the great publications in the world.
Are you involved with the publication?
VIRGINIA HARRIS, CHAIRMAN, CHRISTIAN SCIENCE CHURCH: The Board oversees the editorial content of it, but I'm not day-to-day responsible for the paper.
KING: And does it have autonomy?
HARRIS: It does. Totally.
KING: So it can say what it wants, editorialize the way it wants, read the way it wants.
HARRIS: Definitely.
KING: And they're going to open a big -- next to the -- and it's published in Boston.
HARRIS: Correct.
KING: And next to that building next year, they're going to open a Mary Eddy library, right?
HARRIS: That's right. Mary Baker Eddy Library for the betterment of humanity.
KING: She was the founder of the church.
HARRIS: She was, and the founder of the newspaper. And we're taking the walls down around her ideas and letting these ideas find their way out into circulation.
KING: Religious and otherwise?
HARRIS: Religious and otherwise, Larry, yes. She...
KING: Going to have artifacts from the newspaper, and the like?
HARRIS: Artifacts, prototypes of first page. We'll have all the paper there, and all of her additions of science and health. She has about 500 pages, published and unpublished, of writing. When this library opens, it will be the largest multidisciplinary collection of an American woman.
KING: What were you doing before you got to be chairman?
HARRIS: Well, I was with the church for about five years before I was elected to the board. And I oversaw all of its worldwide activities, all the churches -- we've got churches in, oh, golly, about 74 countries. Sunday schools, reading rooms...
HARRIS: Well, it went fine. They had a great relationship. And when we didn't feel well, my mother would obviously pray, and sometimes we had shots.
KING: One of the bases of this is this thing with regard to medicine, which Christian Scientists don't take. Let's get a little history. Who was Mary Baker Eddy?
HARRIS: Well, Mary Baker Eddy was a 19th Century woman who lived in New England. And -- a fabulous woman, incredible. She was on a search, very much like what people are doing today. She was not well. She was a single mother, and she was exploring all sorts of homeopathy, hydropathy, all those things that people did in those days to try to get well.
HARRIS: Alternative medicines. And then she had a severe accident. And she had always been very fond of the Bible, she had been a student of the Bible. But with this accident, it turned her to the Bible. They didn't think she was going to live. And she did, because what she found was that God had been left out of all those other alternatives, and that God made a difference. She was healed. She went on to be...
KING: Through prayer.
HARRIS: Through prayer. Through her own prayers. Through reading accounts of Jesus' healings in the New Testament.
HARRIS: Well, actually, she went on to write a book first, as she began to heal. And she began to teach others how to heal. She became very well-known. In fact, when doctors in New England couldn't heal cases, they'd say: Call Mary -- or, not call, but get Mary Baker Eddy here.
In fact, one time she healed somebody. She went in, somebody was dying of pneumonia. And a doctor, Dr. Davis, stood over there and watched Mrs. Eddy heal this dying person. And he said to her: You've got to write a book. You've got to publish this and give it to the world.
Nine years later she published "Science and Health with Key to the Scriptures."
HARRIS: It did. It did. It put down the ideas, these spiritual laws that exist in the universe -- that if people understand them, they can apply them.
KING: What made it, Virginia, a faith in and of itself? Why didn't you just have Jews who believed in the power of prayer, Catholics who believe in the power of prayer? Why did you need a Christian Science religion?
HARRIS: She didn't think you did. In fact, there wasn't a church for years, because people who were Baptist, people who were Jews, who were Catholics would read "Science and Health" and they would take it back into their faith and be a better Jew.
KING: Not take medicine and be a better Jew and pray, when they were sick.
HARRIS: Exactly.
KING: So what formed the faith?
HARRIS: The faith was formed as the readers of this book, "Science and Health," began to want to talk to each other about the healings they were having. They wanted to learn. They wanted to come into a community. And so she then formed a church, so that, I think, too, Larry, that the book, the message would have a design, a way to get out. Because then she formed a college where people could learn this. She formed the journal, the "Christian Science Journal." And one thing after another...
HARRIS: I'm often asked that question. It's sort of a juxtaposition of things. It's a metaphor. She...
KING: Because there is no Christian Science. Prayer.
HARRIS: Well, it's prayer. But she saw primitive Christianity, the healings that were done in primitive Christianity, having a science to them -- that they could be provable, practical, all the time.
KING: Did she get the idea for newspaper, too?
HARRIS: Yes, she did.
KING: We'll ask about that and a lot more. Virginia Harris, chairman of the Christian Science board of directors is our guest tonight on LARRY KING LIVE. This is fascinating and lots to explore. Don't go away.
AFN 360 improves AFN quality where you get mobile data or internet. Using the best in audio encoding technology, we're able to deliver near-CD quality programming while using minimal bandwidth. Once you've heard it, you'll agree AFN radio never sounded better over any other medium! https://www.afnpacific.net/AFN-360/
Is God dead? It is a question that tantalizes both believers, who perhaps secretly fear that he is, and atheists, who possibly suspect that the answer is no.
Is God dead? The three words represent a summons to reflect on the meaning of existence. No longer is the question the taunting jest of skeptics for whom unbelief is the test of wisdom and for whom Nietzsche is the prophet who gave the right answer a century ago. Even within Christianity, now confidently renewing itself in spirit as well as form,...
SEALDs have a relationship with the Japanese Communist Party. They have not disclosed their funds. They are known in Japan as extreme left activists and they do not never criticize the Chinese Communist Party.The information that 2500 people participated is probably also a lie
The man unfurled a banner from an elevated podium at Pacific Place reading “No extradition to China, total withdrawal of the extradition bill, we are not rioters, release the students and injured, Carrie Lam step down, help Hong Kong.”
Uighurs are dying in these camps in not inconsiderable numbers. That's why Beijing is now building crematoria. There's a new Third Reich, and it is #China.
Uighurs are dying in these camps in not inconsiderable numbers. That's why Beijing is now building crematoria. There's a new Third Reich, and it is #China.
ヘイトスピーチ禁止法が普及したら日本はどうなるか理解するために、オーストラリアやカナダを見てみると良いだろう。
オーストラリアではIt's OK to be white（白人であることは罪じゃない）はレイシスト用語認定され、カナダではゲイのパレードが許可されても異性愛者パレードが許されなかった。
＿＿
In the interview, the spiritual leader, who is 84 this week, touched on topics including US President Donald Trump, his dreams of returning to Tibet, and refugees.
However, it was his comments on the prospect of a female Dalai Lama that raised eyebrows.
"If a female Dalai Lama comes, she should be more attractive," he said in English, while laughing.
The statement apologised for any offence caused and put it down to a misunderstood joke.
The Dalai Lama "has a keen sense of the contradictions between the materialistic, globalized world he encounters on his travels and the complex, more esoteric ideas about reincarnation that are at the heart of Tibetan Buddhist tradition", the statement said.
"However, it sometimes happens that off the cuff remarks, which might be amusing in one cultural context, lose their humour in translation when brought into another. He regrets any offence that may have been given."
Each morning, I choose the attitude I will adopt for the day, holding to bright possibilities regardless of circumstances. I respond to events with faith and optimism. I choose positive and affirmative words.
I am blessed by freedom of choice. I decline to let anyone or anything control me. I am one with God, and, relying on the spirit that expresses through me, I freely choose my path.
I also acknowledge I must choose wisely. Each choice has consequences, and each brings opportunities. Freedom blesses my day, my relationships, my health, and my life.
The Far East of late has become something of a spawning ground for spiritual leaders bent on converting the world. There was South Korea's Rev. Sun Myung Moon, 55, a self-ordained Christian missionary (and self-made millionaire) whose message of repentance was blatted across the U.S. last year by thousands of zealous young converts to his Unification Church (TIME, Sept. 30). Yet another prophet is Daisaku Ikeda, 46, president and spiritual leader of Japan's Soka Gakkai (Value-Creation Society), a laymen's Buddhist organization. Ikeda is fast earning a reputation as a super missionary for peace.
Although the sect's Utopian approach to global problems often sounds like an Oriental echo of Moral Re-Armament, Ikeda carries more political clout than most religious leaders. His organization is the founder of Japan's Komeito (Clean Government) party, which emerged second only to the combined forces of the Socialists and Communists as an opposition party in the last election. Moreover, on his global mission for what he calls "lasting peace," Ikeda last year was received by both Soviet Premier Aleksei Kosygin and Chinese Premier Chou Enlai. When he visits the U.S. this week to address his organization's 200,000 converts in the country, Ikeda will meet U.N. Secretary-General Kurt Waldheim to inform him that Soka Gakkai has collected 10 million signatures against nuclear armament.
Lotus Sutra. Although Soka Gakkai is based on the teachings of a zealous 13th century Japanese monk named Nichiren Daishonin, who sought to demystify and simplify Buddhism, it has little in common with Zen or other more meditative sects. The emphasis is placed on repeated chanting of the Diamoku, (worship formula) in praise of the lotus sutra. Members must prove their piety by making fresh converts. One of their most debatable practices is shakubuku, or forcible persuasion, which some critics charge has often bordered on brainwashing.
The organization had a phenomenal growth after Ikeda, the son of a Tokyo seaweed vendor, became its leader in 1960. Since then, membership has grown from 1.3 million to 10 million, and converts have been made in more than 30 different countries. To propagate its teachings, Soka Gakkai publishes a daily newspaper, Seikyo Shimbun (circ. 4.5 million), operates its own university, Soka Digaku, near Tokyo, and has built a temple as big as the Houston Astrodome at the foot of Mount Fuji.
In 1964 the organization founded the Komeito party in hopes of wiping out corruption in government. Although the party is now theoretically independent of Soka Gakkai, believers in the sect account for 90% of party membership. With 30 representatives in the lower house of the Diet and 24 in the upper house, Komeito has become a force to be reckoned with. Says Yoshiaki Masaki, the party policy board chairman: "We stand on the side of small people and work against the base of authority in Japan."
Faith and Power. Ikeda himself has moved more and more into the political arena recently. He called for re-establishing diplomatic relations with China long before most other Japanese leaders did, and has written a bestselling book about his impressions of Mao's revolution. In other books, lectures and articles, which are seriously and lengthily analyzed in the Tokyo press, Ikeda has advocated a world food bank, cutbacks in defense expenditures, and nuclear disarmament. His most consuming passion is the creation of an international people-to-people crusade against war. "Government leaders come and go," he explains. "Not the contact established and fostered for peace, people to people."
Ikeda lives modestly in a Japanese-style house with his wife and three children. By many of his followers, he is regarded as a reincarnation of Nichiren, and he obviously relishes the role. True to the teachings of Soka Gakkai, Ikeda equates faith with power—and he makes no bones about the fact that power is what his organization is after. Why not? Says he: "You have to have power to do anything at all meaningful."
We find our individual freedom, by choosing not a destination but a direcion. You do not choose the transformative journey because you know where it will take you but because it is the only journey that makes sense.
左翼の論文は偏見だらけの空論
Academic Grievance Studies and the Corruption of Scholarship
Posted on October 2, 2018
·47 minute read
·byJames A. Lindsay, Peter Boghossian and Helen Pluckrose
This essay, although hopefully accessible to everyone, is the most thorough breakdown of the study and written for those who are already somewhat familiar with the problems of ideologically-motivated scholarship, radical skepticism and cultural constructivism
Something has gone wrong in the university—especially in certain fields within the humanities. Scholarship based less upon finding truth and more upon attending to social grievances has become firmly established, if not fully dominant, within these fields, and their scholars increasingly bully students, administrators, and other departments into adhering to their worldview. This worldview is not scientific, and it is not rigorous. For many, this problem has been growing increasingly obvious, but strong evidence has been lacking. For this reason, the three of us just spent a year working inside the scholarship we see as an intrinsic part of this problem.
We spent that time writing academic papers and publishing them in respected peer-reviewed journals associated with fields of scholarship loosely known as “cultural studies” or “identity studies” (for example, gender studies) or “critical theory” because it is rooted in that postmodern brand of “theory” which arose in the late sixties. As a result of this work, we have come to call these fields “grievance studies” in shorthand because of their common goal of problematizing aspects of culture in minute detail in order to attempt diagnoses of power imbalances and oppression rooted in identity.
We undertook this project to study, understand, and expose the reality of grievance studies, which is corrupting academic research. Because open, good-faith conversation around topics of identity such as gender, race, and sexuality (and the scholarship that works with them) is nearly impossible, our aim has been to reboot these conversations. We hope this will give people—especially those who believe in liberalism, progress, modernity, open inquiry, and social justice—a clear reason to look at the identitarian madness coming out of the academic and activist left and say, “No, I will not go along with that. You do not speak for me.”
This document is a first look at our project and an initial attempt to grapple with what we’re learning and what it means. Because of its length and detail, it is organized as follows, putting the factual information up front and more detailed explanations thereafter.
•Our methodology, which is central to contextualizing our claims;
•A summary of this project from its beginning until we were eventually exposed and forced to go public before we could conclude our research;
•An explanation of why we did this;
•A summary of the problem and why it matters;
•A clear explanation of how this project came to be;
•The results of our study, including a full list of all of the papers we submitted, their final outcomes, and relevant reviewer comments to date;
•A discussion of the significance of the results;
•A summary of what may come next
8606:アクエリアン
19/07/10(水) 20:51:24
左翼の論文は偏見だらけの空論
Academic Grievance Studies and the Corruption of Scholarship
Posted on October 2, 2018
･47 minute read
･byJames A. Lindsay, Peter Boghossian and
(文字略)
IN A STUDENT AREA OF Tokyo called Takadanobaba, behind a peculiar sculpture showing a nude Marilyn Monroe about to pounce on a sumo wrestler, lies the office of Kunio Suzuki, leader of a ''spiritual movement'' called the Issuikai.
The group produces a monthly paper called Reconquista, which aims to reconquer what Suzuki thinks has been lost: the pure Japanese spirit. On the wall of Suzuki's tiny office hang pictures of Emperor Hirohito in uniform, snapped sometime during the 1930's, and of Yukio Mishima, the ultranationalist writer who committed seppuku, a form of ritual suicide, in 1970.
Suzuki is a quiet man in his early 40's, casually dressed, more like a research fellow than a right-wing activist. He receives many fan letters from young women, who profess to admire his romantic spirit.
He explained that ''because of biased textbooks'' many people of his generation felt guilty about the Japanese role in World War II, ''and people who did better than I did at school all joined the left-wing student movement.'' He concluded that there was something wrong with Japanese education. He also worries about the spiritual state of most Japanese, ''who spend their time reading comics and watching TV,'' but he conceded they were probably quite content. A young member of the group, who had been engrossed in a book on terrorism, suddenly broke his silence to exclaim that it was all America's doing: ''They want us to be weak. That is why they rigged our education system. To stop Japan from being a major power.''
Big ol’ treaty ally check-in trip: “David R. Stilwell will visit Japan, the Philippines, the Republic of Korea (ROK), and Thailand, July 10–21, 2019, in his first trip as Assistant Secretary of State for East Asian and Pacific Affairs”
He will visit Tokyo, July 11-14, to meet senior officials from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, the Ministry of Defense and the National Security Council to coordinate efforts on regional and global issues, and deepen the U.S.-Japan Alliance in pursuit of our shared vision for the Indo-Pacific region.
The United States has agreed to sell $2 billion in weapons to Taiwan, a move that’s consistent with U.S. obligations to the island and yet will still complicate ties with China. While the decision will boost Taiwan’s defense, it’s also an important statement of U.S. commitment at a time when powerful countervailing winds are blowing. The U.S. should remain resolute in its defense of Taiwan, a signal to China and the region that it remains a force for peace and order in Asia.
It seems impossible for Mari Yamaguchi to remain objective as a writer. She cannot help revealing her highly emotional, aggressive and biased nature that distort her articles. Can she not refrain from imposing her very personal perception of Shinzo Abe ?
日韓問題
Tensions over history, North keep Japan, South Korea at odds
By MARI YAMAGUCHIJuly 11, 2019 1 of 5
FILE - In this Tuesday, July 9, 2019, file photo, notices campaigning for a boycott of Japanese-made products are displayed at a store in Seoul, South Korea. South Koreans believe Japan still hasn't fully acknowledged responsibility for atrocities committed during its 1910-45 colonial occupation of Korea. Thousands of South Koreans have signed petitions posted on the presidential office's website that call for boycotting Japanese products and travel to Japan. The signs read: "We don't sell Japanese products." (AP Photo/Ahn Young-joon)
TOKYO (AP) — Japan and South Korea, two major U.S. allies, are again at odds, this time over Tokyo’s decision to tighten controls on exports of sensitive materials that are mainly used in computer chips and display screens used in TVs and smartphones. The tensions reflect animosities that have persisted for decades.
WHAT JAPAN SAYS: As of July 4, the Japanese government tightened the approval process for shipments of photoresists and other sensitive materials. They are now subject to a case-by-case approval process that can take up to 90 days because Japan’s trade ministry said the countries’ “relationship of trust,” including export controls, had been “significantly undermined.” It also said it had found some sensitive items were shipped to South Korea “with inadequate management by companies.” Earlier, Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe and other officials cited South Korea’s stance on compensation for forcing Koreans to work as laborers before and during World War II as a sign it could not be trusted. Officials continue to hint at problems without providing specifics. Prime Minister Shinzo Abe and his conservative aides have hinted at possible South Korean illegal transfers of sensitive materials to North Korea, and they now say South Korea has failed to respond to requests for talks about problems with export controls.
Many people would be surprised to learn that #US Founding Father Alexander Hamilton was born right here on #Nevis Island. Our tour of the island today brought us to his birthplace, where we learned how his #Caribbean upbringing led him to become a vanguard of democracy. #JFDS2019
＿＿
ワシントンポスト社説「China is brainwashing Uighur children. How much longer will the world look away?」
中国共産党によるウイグル人に対する文化的虐殺を告発、糾弾する社説
By Editorial Board July 13
NEW EVIDENCE is emerging that the Chinese campaign to exterminate the culture and traditions of Turkic Muslim people, chiefly Uighurs, in the Xinjiang region also includes a generation of children and young people. As their parents are hauled off to concentration camps — euphemistically called “vocational education” by the Chinese authorities — the children are being herded into special boarding schools and orphanages. At these schools, the children can check in but they cannot leave. The comprehensive effort to create a separate brainwashing and imprisonment system for children deepens the evidence that China is committing a cultural genocide.
Up to 1.5 million adults in Xinjiang have been forced into the camps, where China is attempting to reeducate them as part of the Han Chinese majority, wiping out their language, traditions and culture, essentially assassinating their identity. China at first denied this was going on, but in the past year or so, incontrovertible evidence has accumulated that China is trying to delete the mind-set of a whole people. That evidence includes eyewitnesses and satellite photographs that identify the new camps.
In the last half of 2018, fresh evidence began to surface that Uighur children, too, were being sucked into the brainwashing machine. In July, the Financial Times identified the new orphanages, and in September, the Associated Press talked to 15 Muslims who described how China was separating the young children. Human Rights Watch called attention to the practices in October.
Now the BBC and a German researcher have published new details of a chilling operation to reeducate the children. Adrian Zenz of the European School of Culture and Theology in Korntal, Germany, writes in the Journal of Political Risk that China has built a system for the children that is “taking place in highly secured, centralized boarding facilities” and “driven by multi-billion dollar budgets, tight deadlines, and sophisticated digital database systems.” He adds that “this unprecedented campaign has enabled Xinjiang’s government to assimilate and indoctrinate children in closed environments by separating them from their parents.” China, Mr. Zenz says, is carrying out a “systematic campaign of social re-engineering and cultural genocide in Xinjiang.”
While the duration and intensity differ in places, he found, “In some instances, parental influence is quite possibly almost completely eliminated.” Mr. Zenz reports that in some Uighur majority regions in southern Xinjiang, preschool enrollment more than quadrupled in recent years, exceeding the average national enrollment growth rate by more than 12 times. Why? Because the parents, and in some cases both parents, have disappeared into the camps. Mr. Zenz found that lower-level governments have been keeping records that “list the exact detention situation of children with one or both parents in detention or external work, grouped by age, who are ‘in need of being cared for.’ ” He also notes the absurd doublespeak being used by the Chinese Communist Party to mask the cultural genocide, with emotional language such as “care,” “love” and “nurture” to describe the state’s facilities to brainwash the children.
How much longer will the world continue to look the other way?
2番
T?rk milleti, T?rk milleti（ﾄﾙｺ国家よ！ﾄﾙｺ国家よ！）
A?k ile sev h?rriyeti（汝の自由を享受せん！）
Kahret vatan d??man?n?（祖国の敵を打ち負かし）
?eksin o mel-un zilleti.（忌わしき奴等に絶望を与えん！）
Kahret vatan d??man?n?（祖国の敵を打ち負かし）
?eksin o mel-un zilleti.（忌わしき奴等に絶望を与えん！）
U.S. President Donald Trump has openly criticized as “unfair” the security treaty between Japan and the United States, which has been the foundation of Tokyo’s postwar national security policy.
Speaking about the treaty in a U.S. TV interview in late June, Trump said, “If Japan is attacked, we will fight World War III. ... But if we’re attacked, Japan doesn’t have to help us at all. They can watch it on a Sony television, the attack.”
Trump’s gripes about the bilateral security treaty came immediately before he attended this year’s Group of 20 summit, held in Osaka.
In a news conference after the G-20 summit, Trump repeatedly said the treaty was “unfair,” although he denied thinking about withdrawing from the pact. And he also said he had told Prime Minister Shinzo Abe this “lopsidedness” of the pact should be changed.
Trump’s view about the Japan-U.S. pact is one-sided and unacceptable. The security treaty between the two countries not only serves the strategic interests of both countries but also contributes to stability in the region and the world as a whole.The argument that the treaty is unfair is nothing new.
Originally signed in 1951 and revised in 1960, the Treaty of Mutual Cooperation and Security Between Japan and the United States of America stipulates in Article 5 that the United States would act to defend Japan in case of an armed attack against Japan.
Article 6 of the treaty says for that purpose the United States is granted the use of “facilities and areas” in Japan by its military forces.
These “asymmetrical" obligations the pact imposes on Japan and the United States, sometimes referred to as “cooperation between things (bases) and people (troops),” is the distinctive characteristic of the treaty and has been the cause of American complaints about its “unfairness” and “one-sidedness.”
To be sure, other mutual security treaties involving the United States, such as the North Atlantic Treaty, which forms the legal basis of NATO, and the Mutual Defense Treaty between the United States and the Republic of Korea (South Korea), commit all parties involved to defend each other.
The Japan-U.S. Security Treaty is essentially different from these pacts because Japan is banned by Article 9 of its Constitution from exercising its right to collective self-defense.
The Abe administration has forcibly changed the traditional government interpretation of the article to allow Japan to partially exercise this right. But Japan’s successive Cabinets consistently ruled out Japan’s engagement in collective self-defense operations.
Based on this assumption, the treaty is designed to strike a realistic balance between the obligations of both countries even though they are not symmetrical.
The U.S. military bases in Japan are vital for the U.S. global strategy and serve its national interest. Maintaining them has imposed heavy burdens on local residents, especially those in Okinawa.
The argument that this treaty unfairly imposes all the burden of defending Japan on the United States is based on complete misunderstandings.
JAPAN’S SECURITY COOPERATION WITH U.S. EXPANDED GRADUALLY
When the Cold War ended, removing the common security threat posed by the Soviet Union, Japan and the United States in 1996 reaffirmed the importance of their security treaty as a lynchpin of peace and stability in the Asia-Pacific region.In the ensuing years, Washington has been steadily stepping up its demands concerning the security roles Japan plays. In the process, the nature of the bilateral security treaty has changed from “cooperation between goods and people” as it assumed more of the features of “cooperation between people and people.”
The law to deal with security emergencies around Japan, which was enacted in 1999, has allowed the Self-Defense Forces to provide logistic support to the U.S. forces in areas surrounding Japan.
When the United States launched war with Afghanistan in retaliation against the Sept. 11 terror attacks in 2001, Japan dispatched Maritime Self-Defense Force vessels to the Indian Ocean to provide fuel to U.S. warships.
During the Iraq War, which started in 2003, Japan sent Ground Self-Defense Force troops to “non-combat zones” in the Middle Eastern country to engage in activities to help its reconstruction.
Each of these moves provoked constitutionality debate at home over whether it was consistent with Article 9. But the respective Japanese administrations made the decisions to avoid harming Japan’s relations with the United States, thereby gradually expanding the scope of SDF activities.
The Abe administration took another step in the same direction when it railroaded controversial new security legislation through the Diet in 2015.
If Japan wants to move further along this path and make the bilateral security treaty a “symmetrical” pact that allows the Japanese and U.S. forces to fight side by side against the common enemy, it needs to amend Article 9. But that would not be the right choice for Japan.
The principal security challenge facing the alliance between Japan and the United States is the threat posed by China’s rapid military buildup and aggressive naval expansion.
The strategy for dealing with China’s rise as a military power, however, should not be focused on taking an antagonistic stance toward China, which would only heighten tensions in the region.
It would be in Japan’s best interest to make steady efforts for effective neighboring diplomacy to promote regional stability under a strategy not heavily tilted toward military responses while pursuing a good balance between the security treaty and the restrictions imposed by Article 9.
From this point of view, it is highly significant for Japan to stick to its traditional exclusively defensive security policy under Article 9 and seek solid cooperation with the United States based on an appropriate, if asymmetrical, division of roles.
TO MAKE THE SECURITY TREATY A VALUABLE PUBLIC ASSET
Simply responding to U.S. demands should not be the inviolable principle that dictates Japan’s diplomacy.This is an era that poses new sticky diplomatic challenges to Japan. Tokyo needs to think thoroughly to clearly define the boundary of security roles it can perform while keeping its security policy firmly anchored by the security alliance with the United States.
If Trump is moving in the wrong direction, Japan needs to say so directly to him and try to persuade him to change his mind.
The Trump administration is urging Japan to join a multinational military coalition it is assembling to safeguard shipping lanes in the Middle East in the wake of recent attacks on tankers in the region.
It has also been reported that the U.S. government has demanded that Japan pay several times more than it does now to shoulder a greater portion of the costs of maintaining U.S. forces in Japan.
We strongly call on the Abe administration to guard itself against the possibility of making misguided policy decisions because of its tendency to put a priority on keeping its security alliance with the United States intact.
The Trump administration has taken a series of actions that run counter to maintaining the international order and raise international tensions, most notably withdrawing from the Iran nuclear deal and the Paris climate accord.
The fact is that the United States has stopped acting as “the policeman of the world” and started acting as a disruptive force for the world.
Instead of allowing itself to be twisted around Trump’s little finger, the Japanese government should take a first step toward setting its diplomatic agenda on its own to ensure that the Japan-U.S. Security Treaty will function as a public asset for the international community.
Hiroshima Marks the 74th Anniversary of the Atomic Bombing
By Mari Yamaguchi / AP
10:58 PM EDT
(TOKYO) — Hiroshima marked the 74rd anniversary of the atomic bombing of the city with its mayor renewing calls for eliminating such weapons and demanding Japan’s government do more.
Mayor Kazumi Matsui raised concerns in his peace address Tuesday about the rise of self-centered politics in the world and urged leaders to steadily work toward achieving a world without atomic weapons.
“Around the world today, we see self-centered nationalism in ascendance, tensions heightened by international exclusivity and rivalry, with nuclear disarmament at a standstill,” Matsui said in his peace declaration.
He urged the younger generations never to dismiss the atomic bombings and the war as a mere events of history, but think of them as their own, while calling on the world leaders to come visit the nuclear bombed cities to learn what happened.
Matsui also demanded Japan’s government represent the wills of atomic bombing survivors and sign a U.N. nuclear weapons ban treaty.
Japan, which hosts 50,000 American troops and is protected by the U.S. nuclear umbrella, has not signed the Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons, an inaction atomic bombing survivors and pacifist groups protest as insincere.
Prime Minister Shinzo Abe acknowledged widening differences between nuclear and non-nuclear states.
“Japan is committed to serve as a bridge between nuclear and non-nuclear states and lead the international effort, while patiently trying to convince them to cooperate and have a dialogue,” Abe said in his address at the ceremony. He vowed to maintain Japan’s pacifist and nuclear nuclear-free principles, but did not promise signing the treaty.
Survivors, their relatives and other participants marked the 8:15 a.m. blast with a minute of silence.
The Hiroshima anniversary ceremony came hours after North Korea launched suspected ballistic missiles in its fourth round of recent weapons demonstrations. The activity follows a stalemate in negotiations over its nuclear weapons.
The U.S. attack on Hiroshima on Aug. 6, 1945, killed 140,000 people. The bomb dropped three days later on Nagasaki killed another 70,000 before Japan’s surrender ended World War II.
A tribute to Old Cathay Pacific Airways & Kai-Tak Airport British Hong-Kong. A Beautiful Tune & My Imaginable Story on YouTube videos. Thank you for your watching & Enjoy my edit.video.
Writer(s): Barry White, Aaron Schroeder
Co-arrangement: Gene Page
Producer: Barry White
Label: 20th Century / Pye International
Released: 1973
IN A STUDENT AREA OF Tokyo called Takadanobaba, behind a peculiar sculpture showing a nude Marilyn Monroe about to pounce on a sumo wrestler, lies the office of Kunio Suzuki, leader of a ''spiritual movement'' called the Issuikai.
The group produces a monthly paper called Reconquista, which aims to reconquer what Suzuki thinks has been lost: the pure Japanese spirit. On the wall of Suzuki's tiny office hang pictures of Emperor Hirohito in uniform, snapped sometime during the 1930's, and of Yukio Mishima, the ultranationalist writer who committed seppuku, a form of ritual suicide, in 1970.
Suzuki is a quiet man in his early 40's, casually dressed, more like a research fellow than a right-wing activist. He receives many fan letters from young women, who profess to admire his romantic spirit.
He explained that ''because of biased textbooks'' many people of his generation felt guilty about the Japanese role in World War II, ''and people who did better than I did at school all joined the left-wing student movement.'' He concluded that there was something wrong with Japanese education. He also worries about the spiritual state of most Japanese, ''who spend their time reading comics and watching TV,'' but he conceded they were probably quite content. A young member of the group, who had been engrossed in a book on terrorism, suddenly broke his silence to exclaim that it was all America's doing: ''They want us to be weak. That is why they rigged our education system. To stop Japan from being a major power.''
When the moon is in the Seventh House
月が第７宮にあり
And Jupiter aligns with Mars
木星が火星と直列するとき
Then peace will guide the planets
そのときこそ、平和が諸々の惑星を導くことだろう
And love will steer the stars
そして愛が星々の舵を取るのだ
This is the dawning of the age of Aquarius
いまは水瓶座の時代の夜明けのとき
The age of Aquarius
水瓶座の時代だ
Aquarius! Aquarius!
アクエリアス！ アクエリアスだ！
Harmony and understanding
調和と理解と
Sympathy and trust abounding
共感と信頼が満ち溢れる
No more falsehoods or derisions
インチキやバカげたものはもうおしまい
Golden living dreams of visions
ヴィジョンに溢れた光り輝く生の夢
Mystic crystal revelation
神秘的な透徹とした黙示
And the mind's true liberation
そして心の真の解放
Aquarius! Aquarius!
アクエリアス！ 水瓶座！
When the moon is in the Seventh House
月が第７宮にあり
and Jupiter aligns with Mars
木星が火星と直列するとき
Then peace will guide the planets
そのとき、平和が諸々の惑星を手引きするだろう
And love will steer the stars
そして愛が星々の舵を取るのだ
This is the dawning of the age of Aquarius
いまや水瓶座の時代が明けようとしているのだ
The age of Aquarius
水瓶座の時代
Aquarius! Aquarius!
アクエリアス！ アクエリアスだ！
Let the sunshine,
陽の光を
Let the sunshine in
太陽の輝きを差し込ませよう
The Sunshine in
陽の光を入れるんだ
Let the sunshine,
太陽の輝きを
Let the sunshine in
陽の光を入れるんだ
The Sunshine in
太陽の光が差してくるぞ
january 7, 2018 ~ today ~ according to astrology ~ marks the rare astrological alignment of jupiter and mars along with the moon being in the 7th house (virgo). given the schuman spikes that suddenly began last year (early 2016) as well as many of us feeling the flash pulse entering from the galactic central sun between end of january and early march as well as humanity's ongoing awakening (hitting the 100th monkey at this point) ~ i would say we ARE entering THE age of aquarius. let's make it so people. we are ready, aren't we?
When this song debuted I was a screaming 17 years old. It was a great song for our generation. Fast forward to about 1982 and my daughter is 5 years old and we hear this song together and she turns to me and says "dad is this the hippie song" from your childhood. Every since that day the "hippie song" brings a smile to our faces. It was a generation of music that still rings so true today. There was political division in the 60's what with Vietnam raging. How tame we were compared to today. I am so glad I have all these wonderful songs to take me back to a better time in our country's history. Long live the "hippie song"!!
Art Garfunkel's clear, soft, beautiful voice is sweet and his singing is perfect; thank you, Art Garfunkel.. and thank you also amazing Paul Simon.. I love you guys.
8943:アクエリアン
19/08/09(金) 17:03:52
今日の音楽The 5th Dimension Age of Aquarius 1969
[www.youtube.com]
When the moon is in the Seventh House
月が第７宮にあり
And Jupiter aligns with Mars
(行省略)
8944:アクエリアン
19/08/09(金) 17:05:06
Harmony and understanding
調和と理解と
Sympathy and trust abounding
共感と信頼が満ち溢れる
No more falsehoods or derisions
インチキやバカげたものはもうおしまい
(行省略)
8945:アクエリアン
19/08/09(金) 17:05:53
When the moon is in the Seventh House
月が第７宮にあり
and Jupiter aligns with Mars
木星が火星と直列するとき
Then peace will guide the planets
そのとき、平和が諸々の惑星を手引きするだろ
(文字略)
8946:アクエリアン
19/08/09(金) 17:06:30
Let the sunshine,
陽の光を
Let the sunshine in
太陽の輝きを差し込ませよう
The Sunshine in
陽の光を入れるんだ
(行省略)
8947:アクエリアン
19/08/09(金) 17:16:42
コメント欄より
(AA略)
8948:アクエリアン
19/08/09(金) 17:20:53
今日の音楽
(AA略)
8949:アクエリアン
19/08/09(金) 17:24:52
今日の音楽2
My Sweet Lord - Concert Tribute to George Harrison
[www.youtube.com]
liveatvictoria1 年前
(行省略)
8950:アクエリアン
19/08/09(金) 17:30:09
今日の音楽2
George Harrison - My Sweet Lord - Lyrics
[www.youtube.com]
I remember the story of my life...have to much fight.. so sad but now i can handle all with God..He makes me stand strong...thanks paul the real music tallent ever
I am just a poor boy
Though my story’s seldom told
I have squandered my resistance
For a pocketful of mumbles
Such are promises
All lies and jest
Still, a man hears what he wants to hear
And disregards the rest
When I left my home and my family I was no more than a boy
In the company of strangers In the quiet of a railway station
Running scared Laying low, seeking out the poorer quarters
Where the ragged people go
Looking for the places only they would know
Asking only workman’s wages I come looking for a job
But I get no offers
Just a come-on from the whores on Seventh Avenue
I do declare there were times when I was so lonesome
I took some comfort there
Now the years are rolling by me
They are rocking even me
I am older than I once was
And younger than I’ll be
But that’s not unusual
No, it isn’t strange
After changes upon changes
We are more or less the same
After changes we are More or less the same
今や歳月は僕までも押し退けて僕の傍らを流れている
僕は昔より狡くなった
僕は理想とする僕より未熟だ
しかし、それは当たり前の話だ
そう、それは不思議な事ではなく
困難に従い、困難を支えとしたところで、僕達は多かれ少なかれ変わらない
苦しみが去っても、僕達は多かれ少なかれ変わらない
Then I’m laying out my winter clothes
And wishing I was gone
Going home
Where the New York City winters aren’t bleeding me
Leading me
Going home
又僕は冬の衣類を取り出している
それでもいなくなりたい、故郷に帰りたい
かと言って、ニューヨークシティの幾星霜が、僕に血の出るような思いをさせたわけではない
僕をその気にさせるが
故郷に帰りたい
In the clearing stands a boxer
And a fighter by his trade
And he carries the remainders Of every glove that laid him down
And cut him till he cried out In his anger and his shame
“I am leaving, I am leaving”
But the fighter still remains
Lie-la-lie . . .
晴れ晴れとしてボクサーは立ち上がる
そう彼の商売はボクサー
彼は彼をダウンさせ、怒りと羞恥心で大声を上げるまで彼の感情を傷付けたグラヴを一つ残らず記念として持ち歩く
「僕は捨てたい、僕は捨てたい」
いや、闘士は猶も留まる
We find our individual freedom, by choosing not a destination but a direcion. You do not choose the transformative journey because you know where it will take you but because it is the only journey that makes sense.
8958:アクエリアン
19/08/09(金) 19:10:26
Then I’m laying out my winter clothes
And wishing I was gone
Going home
Where the New York City winters aren’t bleeding me
Leading me
Going home
(行省略)
8959:アクエリアン
19/08/09(金) 19:11:07
In the clearing stands a boxer
And a fighter by his trade
(AA略)
Paul Simon - The Boxer (Live From Paris)
[www.youtube.com]
Ketut Pramana1
(行省略)
8954:アクエリアン
19/08/09(金) 18:58:05
I am just a poor boy
Though my story’s seldom told
I have squandered my resistance
For a pocketful of mumbles
Such are promises
All lies and jest
(行省略)
8955:アクエリアン
19/08/09(金) 18:59:41
(AA略)
8956:アクエリアン
19/08/09(金) 19:01:15
Asking only workman’s wages I come looking for a job
But I get no offers
Just a come-on from the whores on Seventh Avenue
(AA略)
8957:アクエリアン
19/08/09(金) 19:09:43
Now the years are rolling by me
They are rocking even me
I am older than I once was
And younger than I’ll be
But that’s not unusual
No, it isn’t strange
(行省略)
When the moon is in the Seventh House
月が第７宮にあり
And Jupiter aligns with Mars
木星が火星と直列するとき
Then peace will guide the planets
そのときこそ、平和が諸々の惑星を導くことだろう
And love will steer the stars
そして愛が星々の舵を取るのだ
This is the dawning of the age of Aquarius
いまは水瓶座の時代の夜明けのとき
The age of Aquarius
水瓶座の時代だ
Aquarius! Aquarius!
アクエリアス！ アクエリアスだ！
Harmony and understanding
調和と理解と
Sympathy and trust abounding
共感と信頼が満ち溢れる
No more falsehoods or derisions
インチキやバカげたものはもうおしまい
Golden living dreams of visions
ヴィジョンに溢れた光り輝く生の夢
Mystic crystal revelation
神秘的な透徹とした黙示
And the mind's true liberation
そして心の真の解放
Aquarius! Aquarius!
アクエリアス！ 水瓶座！
When the moon is in the Seventh House
月が第７宮にあり
and Jupiter aligns with Mars
木星が火星と直列するとき
Then peace will guide the planets
そのとき、平和が諸々の惑星を手引きするだろう
And love will steer the stars
そして愛が星々の舵を取るのだ
This is the dawning of the age of Aquarius
いまや水瓶座の時代が明けようとしているのだ
The age of Aquarius
水瓶座の時代
Aquarius! Aquarius!
アクエリアス！ アクエリアスだ！
Let the sunshine,
陽の光を
Let the sunshine in
太陽の輝きを差し込ませよう
The Sunshine in
陽の光を入れるんだ
Let the sunshine,
太陽の輝きを
Let the sunshine in
陽の光を入れるんだ
The Sunshine in
太陽の光が差してくるぞ
8968:アクエリアン
19/08/10(土) 11:45:38
今日の音楽
The 5th Dimension Age of Aquarius 1969
[www.youtube.com]
When the moon is in the Seventh House
月が第７宮にあり
(行省略)
8969:アクエリアン
19/08/10(土) 11:46:22
Harmony and understanding
調和と理解と
Sympathy and trust abounding
共感と信頼が満ち溢れる
No more falsehoods or derisions
インチキやバカげたものはもうおしまい
(行省略)
8970:アクエリアン
19/08/10(土) 11:46:59
When the moon is in the Seventh House
月が第７宮にあり
and Jupiter aligns with Mars
木星が火星と直列するとき
Then peace will guide the planets
そのとき、平和が諸々の惑星を手引きするだろ
(文字略)
8971:アクエリアン
19/08/10(土) 11:47:37
Let the sunshine,
陽の光を
Let the sunshine in
太陽の輝きを差し込ませよう
The Sunshine in
陽の光を入れるんだ
(行省略)
俺は小さな町で生まれ
Well I was born in a small town
そして小さな町に住んでる
And I live in a small town
多分小さな町で死ぬだろうな
Prob'ly die in a small town
ああ、この小さな場所
Oh, those small communities
友達はみんなこの小さな町にいる
All my friends are so small town
親たちも同じ小さな町に住んでる
My parents live in the same small town
俺の仕事もこの小さな町の中でやってる
My job is so small town
ここじゃあんまりチャンスもないけど
Provides little opportunity
小さな町で教育を受け
Educated in a small town
小さな町で神を畏れることを教わった
Taught the fear of Jesus in a small town
小さな町でよく空想にふけったもんだよ
Used to daydream in that small town
生まれつきロマンティックだったのさ
Another boring romantic that's me
小さな町で起きたことは全て見てきた
But I've seen it all in a small town
小さな町で楽しい思いもした
Had myself a ball in a small town
Ｌ．Ａ．で可愛い娘と結婚して小さな町に連れてきた
Married an L.A. doll and brought her to this small town
今じゃ彼女も俺と同じ「小さな町」してる
Now she's small town just like me
自分がどこの出身か忘れることはない
No I cannot forget where it is that I come from
自分を愛してくれた人たちを忘れられないよ
I cannot forget the people who love me
そうさ、小さな町では自分のありのままでいられるし
Yeah, I can be myself here in this small town
みんな俺がやりたいようにやらせてくれるんだ
And people let me be just what I want to be
大きな町について悪く言ってるんじゃない
Got nothing against a big town
いろんなこと言えるほど大きな町を見たわけじゃない
Still hayseed enough to say Look who's in the big town
でも俺のベッドは小さな町にある
But my bed is in a small town
俺にはそれで十分さ
Oh, and that's good enough for me
俺は小さな町で生まれた
Well I was born in a small town
小さな町の空気を吸うことができる
And I can breathe in a small town
いつか、この小さな町で命を終えたい
Gonna die in this small town
きっとみんなが俺を埋めてくれるだろう場所・・・。
And that's prob'ly where they'll bury me
8984:アクエリアン
19/08/12(月) 20:11:49
小さな町で教育を受け
Educated in a small town
小さな町で神を畏れることを教わった
Taught the fear of Jesus in a small town
小さな町でよく空想にふけったもんだよ
Used to daydream in that s
(文字略)
この歌を聞くと、時々 祖母の人生を思う。日本と中国の戦争が始まり、祖父の所属する陸軍の連隊が出動命令が下った。そして昭和12年 いわゆる上海上陸作戦に於いて、祖父は戦死した。祖母はその時からずっと、祖父を心に抱いて、2人の子供を育て上げた。「ずっと私の心には、愛する主人が生きている。だから必ず子供達を立派に育て上げてみせる。」という強い心を持って。You are safe in my heart. の歌詞は、特に祖母の心を思い出す。99歳まで元気に生きた祖母。今は祖父と仲良く暮らしているに違いない。そして、これからずっと永遠に戦争から平和への道を日中が歩む事を祖父は願っていると思う。
'Symbol of the devil': Why South Korea wants Japan to ban the Rising Sun flag from the Tokyo Olympics
By Yoonjung Seo, Yoko Wakatsuki and Julia Hollingsworth, CNN
Updated 0502 GMT (1302 HKT) September 7, 2019
(CNN) — The organizers of Japan's 2020 Summer Olympics have refused to ban a controversial flag that South Koreans say stirs memories of the violent, brutal life endured under Japanese rule during the early to mid-1900s.
South Korea's parliamentary committee for sports wants the so-called Rising Sun flag to be banned from venues at next year's Tokyo Olympics as it is viewed in South Korea as a symbol of Japanese "imperialism and militarism."
But this week, Tokyo 2020 -- the organizing committee of the Tokyo Olympics -- said that the flag wouldn't be banned as it was widely used in Japan.
"The flag itself is not considered to be a political statement, so it is not viewed as a prohibited item," Tokyo 2020 said in a statement.
That decision has caused controversy back in South Korea, where An Min-suk, the chair of the parliamentary committee for sports, condemned the decision.
"A flag symbolizing war is not suitable for peaceful Olympic Games," An said in a press conference Tuesday.
"The Rising Sun flag is akin to a symbol of the devil to Asians and Koreans, just like how the swastika is a symbol of Nazis which reminds Europeans of invasion and horror."
The Korean Sports & Olympic Committee told CNN Friday that it had not yet made an official request to Tokyo 2020 or the International Olympic Committee (IOC) to ban the flag. In a response to CNN, an IOC spokesperson said sports stadiums should be free of any political demonstration. "When concerns arise at games time we look at them on a case by case basis," the spokesperson said.
South Korea's Foreign Ministry said Thursday it had expressed regret over the decision via diplomatic channels. Earlier in the week, South Korea's Foreign Ministry spokesperson Kim In-chul said the Japanese government needed to acknowledge its history.
"I believe the Japanese government is well aware that the Rising Sun flag is viewed by neighboring nations as a symbol of (Japanese) imperialism and militarism," Kim said on Tuesday, adding that the ministry planned to continue to work to change Tokyo 2020's decision.
The flag disagreement comes amid an ongoing trade spat between the two countries, which has been raging since July.
The Korean Sports & Olympic Committee told CNN Friday that it had not yet made an official request to Tokyo 2020 or the International Olympic Committee (IOC) to ban the flag. In a response to CNN, an IOC spokesperson said sports stadiums should be free of any political demonstration. "When concerns arise at games time we look at them on a case by case basis," the spokesperson said.
South Korea's Foreign Ministry said Thursday it had expressed regret over the decision via diplomatic channels. Earlier in the week, South Korea's Foreign Ministry spokesperson Kim In-chul said the Japanese government needed to acknowledge its history.
"I believe the Japanese government is well aware that the Rising Sun flag is viewed by neighboring nations as a symbol of (Japanese) imperialism and militarism," Kim said on Tuesday, adding that the ministry planned to continue to work to change Tokyo 2020's decision.
The flag disagreement comes amid an ongoing trade spat between the two countries, which has been raging since July＜＜.
フォローする
５歳の娘からこんなラブレターをもらった。「I LOVE YOU」を「一緒にヘビに吞まれてもいい」と表現するその感覚に、正直一瞬恋に落ち…いや、落ちないけど、しばらく頭の中で二人一緒にヘビに呑まれている様子を想像し、時間を奪われてしまった。 pic.twitter.com/z5ywJCFEbd
出典: www.amazon.co.jp
“Don’t ever let somebody tell you you can’t do something, not even me. Alright? You dream, you gotta protect it. People can’t do something themselves, they wanna tell you you can’t do it. If you want something, go get it. Period.”
七つの社会的大罪(The Seven Social Sins. )
労働無き富 (Wealth without work.)
良心無き快楽 (Pleasure without conscience.)
人格無き知識 (Knowledge without character.)
モラル無き商業(Commerce without morality.)
人間性無き科学(Science without humanity.)
犠牲無き尊敬 (Worship without sacrifice.)
理念無き政治 (Politics without principle.)
